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f»<
MACMILLAN'S LATIN SERIES
EDITED BY
JOHN COPELAND KIRTLAND
Professor of Latin in The Phillips Exeter Academy
■• I • .■ •
- - .- *-■ ~ .- ^tt«
MACMILLAN'S LATIN SERIES
CORNELIUS NEPOS : Twenty Lives. Edited by J. E. Barss, Hotchkiss School. 90 cents.
THE POEMS OF OVID : Selections. Edited by C. W. Bain, South Carolina College. ;j5i.io.
MARCUS TULLIUS CICERO: Ten Orations, with THE Letters to his Wife. Edited by R. A. von MiNCKWiTZ, De Witt Clinton High School, New York City. $1.2^,
CAESAR: The Gallic War, Books I-VII. Edited by A. L. Hodges, Wadleigh High School, New York City.
VERGIL: The Aeneid. Edited by D. O. S. Lowell, Roxbury Latin School, and C. W. Gleason, Volkmann School, Boston.
SALLUST: The Catiline. Edited by J. C. Kirtland, Phillips Exeter Academy.
(From (be bust in the British Museum, London)
0- •• ■
■JlannUlan'iS 2/atin ^ttits
CAESAR
THE GALLIC WAR
BOOKS I-VII
EDITED BY
ARCHIBALD LIVINGSTON HODGES
INSTRUCTOR IN LATIN IN THE WADLEIGH HIGH SCHOOL, NEW YORK CITY
Kebj gorfe THE MACMILLAN COMPANY
1909
A^ rights reserved
fPft of the Publisher*
HARVARD
UNIVSRSHY
UBRARY
Copyright, 1909, By the MACMILLAN COMPANY.
Set up and electrotyped. Published September, 1909.
J. S. Cashing Co, — Berwick A; Smith Co. Norwood, Mass., U.S.A.
PREFACE
In spite of the attempts which have been made to find a substitute, most students of Latin still read Caesar, and read him as their first Latin author. In the opinion of many teachers there are good reasons why this should be so. Caesar's style is direct, even if not particularly simple ; his story is interesting in itself, and especially interesting when put in its proper setting and made a part of the larger story of the development of Rome and of Europe; his vocabulary is pure, concrete, and not excessively copious ; last but not least, he furnishes an admirable drill-book for training in syntax, that is to say in linguistic logic. To help the student avail himself as fully as possible of the advantages which the study of Caesar offers is the purpose of this book.
The text is, in the main, Meusel's. It varies from his somewhat in the treatment of assimilation in com- pounds (Hale and Buck's grammar has been followed here) and in the spelling of certain words. Further- more, some passages regarded by Meusel as probably spurious have been retained, not to do too great violence to the traditional text. But aside from these variations this text differs from Meusel's in not more than three or four places.
In the marking of hidden quantities Bennett's Latin Language has been followed in almost all cases, but the vowel before gn in dignus and its derivatives has
vi PREFACE
been marked. Vowels standing before /-consonant have been marked, because there is no simple way of indicating the diphthongal sound which appears to have existed there, and because it was believed that a iTiore nearly correct pronunciation would be secured by mark- ing them than by leaving them unmarked. For the quantity of vowels in Celtic names Holder has been the authority chiefly used.
The notes on Book II have been made full and com- plete in themselves, that those teachers who so desire may begin with that book. The notes contain, of necessity, much grammatical explanation and many references to the grammars; but both notes and intro- duction aim to furnish material which may lead the student to appreciate the narrative as a piece of his- torical literature, important in itself and in its bearings. In the treatment of topography and military operations Holmes's great works have been constantly consulted, as well as earlier authorities on the same subjects. A portion of the text has been edited for sight-reading, with brief foot-notes.
Walde*S Lateinisches Etymologise he s Worterbiieh has been of great assistance in the preparation of the word- groups. These are not exhaustive, but are intended to assist the student in gaining a knowledge of Latin words. To further the same end, the words chosen by Professor Gonzalez Lodge as the ones to be learned by the time the student finishes the reading of Caesar have been marked with an asterisk in the vocabulary. I am greatly indebted to Professor Lodge for permission to use the list contained in his Voeabulary of High Sehool Latin, The meanings of a few Celtic proper
■. »
PREFACE vii
names have been given, but only the more important ones, or those that seemed to invite comparison with roots appearing in Latin words.
The campaign-maps are on the same scale as the general map of Gaul, being, in fact, portions of the latter, with necessary additions. All modern names have been rigorously excluded from maps and battle- plans, in the belief that they tend only to confuse the young student. To compensate for this omission, a modern map has been added. This does not profess to be a complete map of the territory included in it, but is practically a copy of the ancient map, showing modern instead of ancient names, and generally only names mentioned in the introduction, notes, and vocabulary. It is hoped that it will enable the student to orient him- self as he reads, and gain an appreciation of the fact that Gaul was the country which is now France.
So many people have helped me, either by actual assistance rendered or by encouragement, that it is impossible to mention them all by name. But I must acknowledge the kindness of Mr. St. George Stock in allowing me to make use of the material contained in the introduction to his edition of Caesar; of Professor Charles E. Bennett, who provided me with proof-sheets of his Latin Language in advance of its publication ; of the officials of the Astor, Columbia, and Harvard libraries; of the late Mr. Richard A. von Minckwitz of the De Witt Clinton High School, Miss Anna Pearl MacVay of the Wadleigh High School, and Mr. William F. Abbot of the Worcester Classical High School, in reading and criticising the introduction; especially of Miss Caroline P. Townsend of the Worces-
. MW— —1— W^B I ■ ■ J ■ ' ■ J
viii PREFACE
ter Classical High School, whose counsel and assist- ance have been freely placed at my disposal in the prep- aration of all parts of the work. Lastly, it is a pleasure to acknowledge my deep obligations to the editor-in- chief of this series, Professor John C. Kirtland, to whose accurate scholarship and cordial cooperation a great part of whatever merit the book may possess is due.
ARCHIBALD L. HODGES. New York City,
July 20, 1909.
CONTENTS
INTRODUCTION
Gallic Wars before 58 b.c
The Life of Caesar
Caesar's Field of Military Operations . Roman Military Organization in Caesar's Time Books for Reference and Reading .
TEXT
Book I. The Geography of Gaul
The Helvetian War .... The Ca^npaign against Ariovistus
The War with the Belgae
Trouble in the Alps .... The Campaign against the Veneti and Other
Maritime Tribes .... The Campaign in Aquitania A Short Campaign against the Morini and
Menapii
Book IV. The War against the Usipetes and Tenet eri
and Caesar^ s Passage of the Rhine . Caesar'' s First Expedition to Britain
Caesar'' s Second Expedition to Britain . Uprisings in Northern Gaul
Operations tn Northern Gatd and the Second
Passage of the Rhine
Gaul and Germany Described and Compared
Book II. Book III.
Book V.
Book VI.
PAGB I
8 21
31 52
55
55 72
90
109
112 119
122
124 134
145 156
174 179
IX
PAGE
X CONTENTS
SIGHT-READING
Book VI. The War upon Ambiorix and the Eburones 187
Book VII. A General Uprising of Gaul , . • ^99
NOTES 255
WORD-GROUPS . . . . . . . .403
VOCABULARY 419
MAPS AND ILLUSTRATIONS
Gaius Julius Caesar Frontispiece
PACK
Map of Gaul {colored) Before i
Modern Map {colored) Before 21
A Coin of Caesar > . . 21
A Gallic Chief 22
Gallic Houses o . '25
A Gallic Soldier 26
Caesar as Imperator Facing 32
PiLA » 35
Gladius and Vagina . . . . . . .36
Cassis 37
Vexillum o . . 39
CORNU 39
Tuba 39
LiTUUS „,.... 39
Tabernacula 41
Castra 42
Triplex Acies 44
Arrangement of a Cohort 44
VnvEA 47
Plutei 47
TURRIS 48
Aries and Testudo 49
Falx 50
xi
Xll
MAPS AND ILLUSTRATIONS
Catapulta
Ballista
Prow of Bireme
Stern of Trireme .... The Campaign of 58 b.c. {colored) . Coins of Orgetorix and Dumnorix.
Carrus
Caesar's Intrenchments along the Rhone (colored)
A Roman Cavalryman
The Defeat of the Helvetii {colored)
Plan of Vesontio ....
A Roman Legionary ....
The Defeat of Ariovistus (colored)
The Campaign of 57 b.c. (colored) .
Testudo ......
Sagittarius
The Battle on the Axona (colored) Soldiers building an Agger . Roman Soldiers on the March The Battle on the Sabis (colored) . Castellum and Signal-tower .
A Battle
Soldiers burning a Barbarian Village A Horse with Ephippium . Caesar's Bridge over the Rhine Roman Soldiers crossing a Bridge
Roman Ships
Aquilifer
A Roman Coin showing an Essedum The Campaign of 54 b.c. (colored) . Britain according to Caesar's Description Tragula and Amentum ....
Facing
Facing
PAGE
SO SO SI SI 55 56 58 59
63 70
77 81
87
91
93
93
95
97
99 102
107
III
123
125
132
' 133 . 136
. 138
. 142
Facing 145
. 152
. 168
MAPS AND ILLUSTRATIONS xiii
PAGE
Vercingetorix 1 08
A Coin of Vercingetorix 201
The Campaign of 52 B.C. (colored) . . . Facing 203
Plan of Avaricum 207
The Roman Works at Avaricum 209
A Gallic Wall 214
The Battle at Gergovia {colored) 228
The Expedition of Labienus {colored) .... 234
The Investment of Alesia {colored) .... 240
The Roman Works at Alesia 243
ce.
i
t
1
INTRODUCTION
GALLIC WARS BEFORE 58 B.C.
The history of Rome down to the Christian era is largely the impor record of her struggles with the peoples whom she was bringing under her dominion. Of these the Gauls were the most formi- dable. At various times the fear of a Gallic war or, worse still, the stern reality engaged the skill and courage of the wisest statesmen and bravest generals of Rome. The struggle con- tinued for hundreds of years, with alternating periods of war and peace. The subjugation of the Transalpine Gauls by Cae- sar, an account of which is to be read in this book, was but the closing scene in a long and bloody drama.
The story of the struggle resembles in many respects that of a par^ the wars between the settlers of America and the American In- dians. The Gauls, like the Indians, were divided into tribes more or less independent of one another. In both cases lack of proper organization and of unity of purpose put the savage or partially civilized tribes at a disadvantage with their more civilized opponents. In both contests the attitude of those destined to become the conquerors was gradually changed from defense to open aggressiveness. In both stories the romantic element is very prominent, and it is not always easy to disen- tangle the truth from the interwoven fiction.
Wars in Cisalpine Gaul. — The historian Livy tells us that at the time of Tarquinius Priscus, about the beginning of the sixth century before Christ, Transalpine Gaul, the country north and west of the Alps, was full to overflowing of a seething mass of
B I
2 INTRODUCTION
humanity. By command of the aged king of the Bituriges, who Settlement of were then the leading people of the Celtae/ the surplus of six GauL^"'* tribes, among them the Bituriges, the Arverni, and the Haedui, set out for other lands. Having crossed the Alps they came into northern Italy, where, in the fertile country between the mountains and the Po, they formed settlements, with Mediola- num (Milan) for their chief town. -Soon other tribes came, among them the Boii and Lingones, who crossed the Po and made settlements between that river and the Apennines.
The Senones came later. They pushed farther south and attacked the town of Clusium in Etruria. Here three brothers named Fabius, who had been sent by the Roman senate to treat with the Gauls on behalf of Clusium, forgot their sacred character as ambassadors and fought with the Clusines against the Gauls. This breach of the law of nations highly exasper- ated the barbarians, and only the counsels of the older men prevented them from seeking immediate vengeance. Soon, however, when all negotiations failed, they marched for Rome. The Romans met them at the Allia, a small stream flowing into the Tiber a few miles north of the city, and suffered a complete CiyCore and defeat. Rome was captured and laid in ashes. The date of ®* this event is usually given as 390 B.C.
The main points of this narrative are very likely true, but the account is embellished in the pages of Livy with stories as plainly fabulous as those told of the battle of Lake Regillus. The legends of Camillus and of Brennus, of the aged nobles calmly sitting on their chairs of state awaiting death, of Marcus Manlius and the geese which by their cackling saved the Capi- ^ tol may be read in most Roman histories and need not be
'***^ given here.
The capture of Rome was only a temporary reverse, and she soon recovered from its effects and continued her career of conquest. Gradually her power was extended and confirmed. The Senaies at times gave trouble, but in 289 b.c. a colony
GALLIC WARS BEFORE 58 B.C. 3
was planted in their territory, at Sena Gallica. This was the Roman first Roman colony on Gallic soil. A few years later the Sen- ^^^^ i" ones were completely subdued and almost annihilated. Thus after more than a century the burning of Rome was avenged. Soon after this the Boii were defeated with great slaughter, and a colony was established fifty miles beyond Sena Gallica, at Ariminum.
After the war with Pyrrhus, which made Rome mistress of southern Italy, and the First Punic War, which gaye her com- mand of the sea and freed her temporarily from the fear of Carthage, the Romans turned their attention again to the Gauls. In 223 B.C. for the first time a Roman army crossed the Po. The following year the Romans defeated the Insubres and took Conquc
! their chief city, Mediolanum. The consul Marcus Claudius *^® ^ Marcellus slew with his own hand the Insubrian chieftain and thus won the spo/ia opima. Two more colonies were founded,
; and Cisalpine Gaul began to be regarded as a dependency of
I Rome.
I In 218 B.C. Hannibal, with his Carthaginian army, started Second
from Spain to inyade Italy. The Romans hoped that the Gauls ^*''
' might be induced to offer opposition to his progress, but in this
I they were disappointed. Some of the Transalpine Gauls did, it is true, come out in defense of their own homes ; but when
I Hannibal reached Cisalpine Gaul, he found many of the inhab- itants ready to rally around his standard. The defeat of Scipio on the Ticinus gave courage to those who wavered, and throughout the Hannibalian war Gauls were generally to be found fighting on the side of the Carthaginians. The conclusion of peace after the defeat of Hannibal at Zama left the Romans free to chastise his allies in the north. This they did with com- pleteness, though the operation was protracted. By 191 B.C., however, the consul was able to boast that of the Boii he had left only old men and children alive. Thenceforth, beyond an occasional minor insurrection, there was quiet submission from the Gauls dwelling south of the Alps.
4 INTRODUCTION
Operations in Transalpine Gaul. — Not until considerably later did the Romans carry war across the Alps. In the inter- val the Gallic name did not drop out of sight entirely, for even in Asia Minor Roman armies had to contend with Gauls. Up to the middle of the second century before Christ the relations between Rome and Transalpine Gaul seem to have been not unfriendly. Massiiia. Massilia (the modern Marseilles), in southern Gaul, was
founded about six hundred years before the Christian era by Greeks from the Ionian city of Phocaea. They brought with them to their Gallic home Greek customs and letters. Other Greeks, too, settled along the coast of the Mediterranean, and hence a flavor of Greek culture pervaded the life of this region and gradually spread into the interior. In 154 B.C. Massilia and two of her dependent cities found themselves threatened by neighboring Ligurian tribes. Massilia had been a steadfast friend of Rome, and in her distress she asked aid of the Romans. This was promptly granted, and an army was sent, which defeated the Ligurians and relieved the depend- encies of Massilia. It is rather surprising that a pretext had not been found before this for the invasion of Transalpine I Gaul, for Spain had been subject to Rome for half a century,
and the direct road to Spain led through southern Gaul. But in spite of this, Rome does not seem to have profited very much from this first victory.
In 125 B.C. Massilia again asked help, which was again coio- granted. In 122 b.c. the first Roman settlement in Transalpine
rifi in Trans- Q^ul was made at Aquae Sextiae (Aix). Roman armies defeated tf|iiie6aul. ^ ^ ^
the powerful Arverni and Allobroges, and in 118 B.C. the consul
Quintus Marcius Rex extended the conquests of Rome so that
the road through southern Gaul to the Pyrenees was completely
opened. In the same year the important colony of Narbo
Martins (Narbonne) was established.
The Cimbri A Strange, fierce enemy soon brought terror to Gauls and
and Teuton!. ;R^oraans alike. Vast hordes of barbarians, the Cimbri and
GALLIC WARS BEFORE 58 B.C. 5
Teutoni, suddenly appeared on the very borders of civilization. The Cimbri are thought to have dwelt in Jutland, and it was said they had been driven from their home by an inundation. The Teutoni perhaps lived somewhat farther south. The Roman consul Gnaeus Papirius Carbo first met the barbarians in Noricum, in 113 B.C. He was defeated, and his army barely escaped annihilation. Later the Cimbri and Teutoni overran Gaul.^ The people were shut up in their towns and compelled to sustain life by the most direful means.^ The Belgae alone TheAtuati succeeded in protecting their own domains, though the barba- rians left among them their heavy belongings with a guard of six thousand men. These, Caesar tells us,^ held their own against the surrounding peoples for many years ; but when the main forces of the Cimbri and Teutoni had been destroyed, they finally consented to lay down their arms and to join them- selves with the Belgae under the name Atuatuci.
The Romans were long unable to make headway against the Cinibri and Teutoni. Some of the tribes of Gaul joined forces with the invaders. The Helvetii were a rich, powerful, and peaceful tribe. Excited, however, by cupidity, two of their four cantons, the Tigurini and the Tougeni, took up arms in the hope of plunder. In 107 b.c. they defeated and killed Roman the Roman consul Lucius Cassius Longinus, slaughtered a con- ^^^A^ siderable part of his army, and sent the rest under the yoke. In this battle was slain the legatus Lucius Piso, great-grandfather of Calpurnia, whom Caesar married just before entering upon the governorship of Gaul.* But a more fearful disaster was to come. In 105 e.g. the Cimbri and their allies defeated two Roman armies, killing, it is said, eighty thousand soldiers and half as many camp-followers. Great was the alarm at Rome.
Gaius Marius was now the idol of the Roman people. He GaiusMar was rough and uncouth, but had displayed great qualities as a strategist and a fighter. He had just vanquished Jugurtha, and the people insisted on making him consul for 104 B.C., to end
1 Of, B,G. I. Zl^ 2 Cf. B. G. 7. 77. 8 B.C. 2. 29. * Cf. B,G. i. 7 and 12.
6 INTRODUCTION
the war against the Cimbri and Teutoni. These, however, in- stead of invading Italy, turned aside to Spain, where they re- mained two years. Marius was reelected for 103 B.C., and again for 102. In the latter year the barbarians returned from Spain. Marius was on the watch for them, and at Aquae Sextiae met the Teutoni as they passed through southern Gaul, inflicting a crushing defeat upon them. But the Cimbri reached Cisalpine Gaul by another route. In loi B.C. Marius, consul for the fifth time, and Quintus Lutatius Catulus gained a complete victory over them at Vercellae.^
From this time on there was comparative peace in Gaul for many years. The war with Sertorius in Spain affected Gaul somewhat, but Pompey allayed all disaffection. In 63 B.C., at Bnvoysof the the time of the conspiracy of Catiline, envoys of the AUobroges Ronw^^** ^^ ^^^^ ^^ Rome seeking redress for official abuses in their own land. The conspirators tried to involve them in the conspiracy, but without success, ^t was through them that Cicero obtained the final proofs convicting Lentulus and other associates of Catiline. A grateful senate thanked the envoys — but did not correct the abuses. The AUobroges rose in revolt. Though they were subdued, they long remained restive.^
Extent of Ro- Gaul just before Caesar's Governorship. — Roman power about
man power in ^^ g^ extended to Lake Geneva, and from the Rhone to the Transalpine '
Gaul. Alps. Farther west it covered the southern coast of Gaul and the
country for a considerable distance inland. The simple name provincia (modern Provence) is used by Caesar to designate this province. The governor of Cisalpine Gaul seems sometimes to have had jurisdiction over the Transalpine province also.
Two factions Outside the province there had long been two factions in Gaul.^ The leading place in one was held by the Haedui, and the Sequani and Arverni led the other. The Haedui and Sequani dwelt on opposite sides of the Arar (Saone) and quarreled with each other for the control of the river and the tolls of the traffic
1 Cf. B^ G. I. 40. 2 cf. B,G. I. 6 and 44. » Cf. B,G, i. 31 and 6. 12.
in Gaul.
GALLIC WARS BEFORE 58 B.C. . 7
upon it. The Haedui were allies of the Roman people, and were strong from rfieir military valor and numerous depend- encies. When the Arverni and Sequani were unable to hold their own against the Haedui, they invited the Suebi to come across the Rhine from Germany to assist them.' At first only a few came, but soon others followed, until there were in Gaul a hundred and twenty thousand Germans. Ariovistus, king •and general- in-chief of the allies, defeated the Haedui at Mage- The Haedi tobriga, probably in the year 60 B.C. He compelled the *«^«*^ ' Haedui to swear never to ask aid of the Roman people. The druid Diviciacus, who alone did not suffer himself to be bound by this oath, went to Rome to ask aid, but without success. Ariovistus proved a hard master to the Sequani, whom he had come to assist. They were first deprived of a third of their lands, and afterwards another third was demanded. If the Romans had not finally interfered, all Gaul might have become Ger- manized, with results impossible to calculate.
In the year 61 B.C. the Helvetii, a large tribe inhabiting a The Heh district having nearly the boundaries of modern Switzerland, Prepare tc determined to migrate from home and settle in the southwestern part of Gaul.^ The smallness of their country was the reason assigned, and the coming of so many Germans into Gaul no doubt was another reason for their determination. The de- parture was set for the spring of 58 B.C., and the intervening time was to be spent in preparation. Alarming reports of the threatening danger reached Rome. A new Gallic war was feared, but the successes of Ariovistus calmed this fear to some extent. As yet, the peril from the presence of the German hordes in Gaul was thought to be distinctly less than that frpm some great movement of the Gauls themselves. In spite of the alliance between the Haedui and Rome, Caesar during his •
consulship, in 59 B.C., caused the senate to address Ariovistus as " king and friend." ^ In this year by the Lex Vatinia the poinucu Roman people gave Caesar, as proconsul, the provinces of emoroft 1 Cf. B.C. I. 31. 2 cf. B.G, I. 2. » Cf. E.G. i. 35.
8
INTRODUCTION
Cisalpine Gaul and Illyricum and granted him an army of three legions. To this the senate added Transalpine Gaul and a fourth legion.
THE LIFE OF CAESAR
Family.
Birth, The First Period. — Julius Caesar (Gains Julius Caesar) was
xoo [xoa] .c. |jQj.jj^ according to the common account, July 12, 100 B.C.,' though some put the date two years earlier. He was of a noble family, several members of which, but not his father or grand- father, had held the consulship. The name Julius was sup- posed to be derived from that of the son of Aeneas, lulus, who was the reputed founder of the Julian house. Thus the lineage of the family was traced back to the gods ; for Aeneas was the son of Venus, and grandson of Jove. Through his father's mother Caesar claimed descent from King Ancus.
The family, though noble, was allied with the democracy. Marius, who conquered Jugurtha and the Cimbri and Teutoni, and who, though he became seven times consul, was yet a man of the people, had married the sister of Caesar's father. Thus connected with the populares, the party of the people, as well as with the opiitnateSy the party of the aristocracy or senatorial nobility, Caesar favored the former. His uncle Marius became his model, though he tried to avoid the coarseness and brutality which disfigured the life of the other. By his words in the fortieth chapter of the first book of the Gallic War he seems to suggest a comparison between himself and his uncle.
Caesar's youth was passed in troublous times. The Social War and the First Civil War early inured him to the sight and thought of bloodshed. Little is known of his boyhood. He lost his father at an early age, and much of his training was in the hands of his mother. He probably studied with, the best teachers to be had at Rome. The name of one is given, Gnipho, a native of Cisalpine Gaul, who was a grammarian and rhetorician of repute.
Tonth and
early
training.
THE LIFE OF CAESAR 9
In 87 B.C., when Caesar was only thirteen (or fifteen, if we Fiamen Di accept the earlier date for his birth), Marius caused him to be ^^ ^'^' appointed flamen DialiSy or priest of Jupiter. This position gave dignity, but little else. The next year Marius died. Sulla was now the leader of the optimates. After the death of Marius this party gained the ascendancy, and Sulla made Caesar an object of persecution. In 83 B.C. the latter married Cornelia, the daughter of Cinna, who had been a friend of Marius and his colleague in the consulship. Sulla ordered him to divorce his Persecute wife. Pompey obeyed a similar order, but Caesar refused to ^^ ®"^^ obey, and preferred to be outlawed and to lose priesthood and possessions. For some time he wandered a fugitive among the Sabine mountains. Sulla finally yielded to entreaty and par- doned him, remarking at the same time that the youth would one day be the ruin of the opHmateSy for there was many a Marius in him.
Caesar saw some military service in Asia, and in 80 B.C. First miii won a 'civic crown* of oak leaves by saving the life of a taryservi Roman citizen. Two years later he returned to Rome. Sulla was dead, and no doubt Caesar expected, in the party strife likely to follow, a favorable opportunity to enter pubHc life. None appearing, he adopted a common device for attracting public notice. He brought against Gnaeus .Dolabella, who had governed Macedonia as proconsul, a charge of extortion in his province, in a speech which was greatly admired, though the influence of the optimates was sufficient to secure the acquittal of the accused. A hint from the optimates that his absence from Rome for a time would be desirable perhaps strengthened in Caesar's mind, if it did not actually awaken, a desire to study oratory abroad under a great teacher, Molo of Foreign Rhodes. On the way to Rhodes, so the story goes, he was ^^*^«i*"^ captured, by pirates and held until a ransom should be paid. He was very friendly with the pirates, informing them, how- ever, that when liberated he should return and crucify them all. The pirates enjoyed the joke hugely, but Caesar kept his
lO
INTRODUCTION
Beginning of poUtical career, 68 B.C.
Aedile, 65 B.C.
Conspiracy of Catiline, 63 B.C.
Pontifex maximua.
word. During his absence from Rome he raised troops, though he held no military commission, and succeeded in maintaining the authority of Rome in certain cities of Asia Minor which Mithridates was trying to win over.
Having returned to Rome, Caesar was military tribune in 74 B.C. In 68 B.C. he was one of the quaestors, or state treasurers. During this year his wife, Cornelia, and his aunt Julia, widow of Marius, died, and he pronounced funeral orations over both. Afterwards his duties as quaestor took him to Farther Spain. In 65 b.c. he was aedile. The aediles had charge of the public buildings and superintendence of public games and festivals. The state granted to them for expenses a certain sum of money, to which they themselves usually added large amounts. By his unprecedented lavish- ness of expenditure Caesar completely won the favor of the masses. He exhibited so many gladiators in the games that the senate through fear set a limit to the number of slaves which might be thus employed. Caesar left the aedileship owing enormous sums of money.
In 63 B.C. occurred the conspiracy of Catiline. Lucius Sergius Catilina, represented by Roman writers as a brave but totally unprincipled man, had planned with others to massacre the leaders of the optimates, pillage Rome, and seize the government. The plot was thwarted by Cicero, who had the previous year defeated Catiline in his candidacy for the consul- ship. Caesar was thought by many to have been implicated in this conspiracy, and some modern scholars have even be- lieved that Catiline was a mere tool in his hands. The truth cannot now be known, but Cicero, in his fourth oration against Catiline, manifests considerable anxiety to gain the good will of Caesar, evidently feeling that he is a man to be reckoned with. In this year Caesar was elected pontifex tnaximus, official head of the state religion, in spite of the utmost efforts of the optimates to elect their candidate. This election quieted for a time his creditors. He held the priesthood as long as he lived.
THE LIFE OF CAESAR n
In 62 B.C. Caesar was praetor. The next year he was Praetor, governor of Farther Spain, where he gained some military ^^•^• successes and accumulated a large amount of money, which enabled him to pay his debts. In the following year he be- came a candidate for the consulship. The most prominent man in Rome at this time was Gnaeus Pompeius (Pompey). Recent successful military operations in Asia had given him. unbounded popularity, and although he had adhered to the aristocratic party during the struggle between Marius and Sulla, he had for some time been coquetting with the populares. Crassus was the wealthiest man in Rome. He had political ambitions, and was in close relations with Caesar, to whom he had lent money. These three men formed a political league, generally known in history as the First Triumvirate. Each TheFirei of the three no doubt expected to use the others for his own ad- Tnumvii vantage, but the sequel showed the prestige of Pompey and the wealth of Crassus unequally matched against the brains of Caesar.
Caesar was consul in 59 b.c. Supported by the influence consul, of Pompey and Crassus, he conducted affairs with vigor and 59 B.C. ability, securing the passage of some really excellent laws. He received, as proconsul, according to custom, a provincial gov- Appomte emorship. His province included Cisalpine Gaul, Transalpine «®^®'^®' Gaul, and Illyricum, and the appointment was for five years. The friendship between Pompey and Caesar was strengthened by the marriage of Caesar's daughter Julia to Pompey. Caesar, whose second wife had been divorced by him, married Cal- purnia, daughter of Lucius Calpurnius Piso, one of the consuls of the year 58 b.c.
The governorship of Gaul afforded Caesar the opportunity Anadvai which he wished. The province was near enough to Rome to ^^g^^^^^ allow him to keep in close touch with the political life of the capital, especially since he usually spent his winters in Cisalpine Gaul and Illyricum. Transalpine Gaul gave him a field for military action, allowed him to train an army, and furnished
12 INTRODUCTION
him the money which he needed to further his ambitions. It is altogether probable that Caesar conceived at the outset th* intention of conquering that portion of Gaul which still remained free, and that he hoped and expected to become the first power in the Roman world; but it is by no means certain, perhaps is improbable, that he then aimed at the subversion of the republican constitution and the overthrow of the power of the senate which he afterwards accomplished.
The Period of the Gallic War. — Caesar spent the first three months of the year 58 b.c. near Rome. There were prepara- tions to be made. Besides, he had to defend himself against charges of maladministration in his consulship, the usual lot of an ex-consul. Meanwhile disquieting rumors came to Rome. It was reported that the Helvetii were to assemble March 28 at the bank of the Rhone, to begin the migration for which they had been preparing. Caesar recognized that this move- ment must be stopped, and accordingly he started for his province, arriving on the farther side of the Alps in April. Soon after he was in Geneva and saw how matters stood. By midsummer he had checked the migration, killing, accord- ing to his own story, more than two thirds of the Helvetii and their allies, and compelling the rest to return to the lands from which they had come. He then turned his attention to Ariovistus and the Germans, who were in Gaul ostensibly for the purpose of protecting certain Gallic states against others. By the end of the campaign of this year he had freed Gaul from the German invaders.
In 57 B.C. an uprising took place among the Belgae, who dwelt in the northern part of Gaul. They felt sure that Cae- sar's coming boded no good to themselves, or to Gaul in gen- eral. Caesar defeated them in two pitched battles and several smaller engagements and broke their military prestige. During B.Q. Ill, 1-6. the winter of 57-56 B.C. Servius Galba, who was quartered with a part of the army among the tribes near the Alps, was at-
THE. LIFE OF CAESAR 13
tacked by the natives, and, though he extricated himself, yet thought it better to move his winter quarters into a more friendly region.
In the spring of 56 b.c. Caesar met Pompey and Crassus 56 B.C. at Luca in Etruria. It was agreed that at the expiration of Caesar's term as governor his command should be extended for five years more. He would then again be eligible to the con- sulship. Pompey and Crassus were to hold the consulship in 55 B.C., and then to receive five-year terms as governors of provinces, Crassus in Syria and Pompey in Spain. After this conference Caesar went back to his province and conducted a successful naval campaign against some of the tribes of the fi.0.ra,3 western coast. Labienus, Caesar*s legatus, held in check the Belgae ; Sabinus, another legatus, defeated the Venelli and allied tribes ; while Publius Crassus, son of the triumvir, who was serving with Caesar, received the submission of the greater part of Aquitania.
In the year 55 B.C. the Usipetes and Tencteri, German 55 B.C., tribes, crossed the Rhine and e^ablished themselves on the ^•^•^^• Gallic side of the river. It was contrary to Caesar's policy to allow them to remain there, and so he marched against them. He had no great difficulty in defeating them, and determined to follow up his advantage by crossing the Rhine. Accordingly he built a bridge over the river and led his army across. He did not remain long, however, but returned after ravaging the country. Though summer was well advanced, he then crossed over into Britain. His purpose in so doing was to reconnoiter the country and, if time permitted, to punish the Britons, who had repeatedly aided the Gauls in their con- flicts with the Romans. Only the first part of his purpose was accomplished, but the knowledge gained proved useful in the following year.
The earlier part of the year 54 b.c. was devoted to a second 54 b c expedition to Britain. Caesar crossed the channel with five legions and half of his cavalry. A storm destroyed a part of
^ VI
14 INTRODUCTION
his ships, which were lying at anchor, so that he thought it best to beach those which were left. He then proceeded towards the interior of the island and crossed the River Thames. After some fighting, and partial submission on the part of the Britons, the Romans returned to Gaul. The legions were placed in several camps for the winter. The division under command of Sabinus and Cotta was attacked by the Eburones under Ambiorix and practically annihilated. An- other division, commanded by Quintus Cicero, brother of the orator, was also attacked, but defended itself heroically until it was relieved by Caesar's arrival.
3.C., At the opening of 53 "B.C. the situation in Gaul was threaten-
ing. The Belgae were disaffected and were intriguing with the Germans. Caesar ravaged the country of the Nervii. His great purpose this year was to take vengeance on the Eburones and Ambiorix for their acts of the previous year. Ambiorix contrived to elude him, but the Eburones were destroyed. Labienus defeated the Treveri, and Caesar, to frighten the Germans who had assisted the Treveri, crossed the Rhine a second time.
3.C., The next year, 52 B.C., saw the culmination of the war. The
Roman government was thrown into confusion early in the year by the murder of Clodius, a disreputable leader of the popular party and the bitter enemy of Cicero. The Gauls thought this a favorable opportunity to strike a supreme blow for liberty. A leader arose in Vercingetorix, who, had he appeared at an earlier period in the war, might have rendered more difficult, if not impossible, the task of subjugation which Caesar carried through. " The seventh book is a tragedy, with the revolt of Gaul for its subject and for its hero Vercingetorix." The Gauls planned to prevent Caesar from joining his army, which could thus be more easily dealt with ; but Caesar, as usual, was too quick for them. He traveled secretly from Cisalpine Gaul and arrived before his enemies were aware of his approach. Now began the great final struggle. With the exception of the
I. vn.
THE LIFE OF CAESAR
15
B. Q. vm.
Caesar and Pompey.
peoples of Aquitania, barely three or four tribes in all Gaul held aloof from the movement. The struggle ended at Alesia ; the gallant leader surrendered, and Gaul was Caesar's.
The next two years, 51 and 50 B.C., were spent in calming siandsoB.c minor disturbances and conquering the few tribes which still held out. By the capture of Uxellodunum the conquest of the country was completed.
The Period of the Civil War. — The compact of Luca had been all but carried out. Crassus had gone to his province in 54 B.C. and had been killed there. Pompey governed Spain through a deputy, remaining himself near Rome. The con- Relations 01 trol of the Roman world lay in the hands of Caesar and Pom- pey. Between these two, of whom a writer has said that Caesar could not brook a superior, Pompey an equal, a breach was sure to come. Pompey was becoming jealous of Caesar's great popularity and influence, and was being led to identify himself more and more with the senatorial, or aristocratic, party. The death, in 54 B.C., of Caesar's daughter Julia, wife of Pompey, to whom both her husband and her father were devotedly attached, severed a strong bond of union between the two men.
An event which served to hasten the rupture occurred in 52 B.C. This was the murder of Clodius, mentioned above. Owing to the bitterness of feehng which led to this murder, and which was raised to a high pitch after it, the capital was filled for a time with anarchy and tumult. Order was not restored until the appointment of Pompey as consul without colleague. This appointment marked the end of Pompey's nominal alliance with the popular party and the beginning of his real alliance with the senatorial party. The senate, though corrupt, was yet the guardian of the constitution, and was determined to curb the growing power of Caesar and prevent, if possible, the fulfilment of his further ambitions. Pompey had a supreme confidence that his military renown and pie?»ew\.
i6
INTRODUCTION
teimme- ite causes the war.
le senate's :imatum.
ie begin- ig of the iiggle, B.C.
power would prove an overmatch for Caesar's strength and reputation resulting from the Gallic War.
Caesar knew that if he were to become a private citizen, he would quickly be put at the mercy of his enemies. While in office, he could not be impeached, but many were lying in wait to attack him the moment the shield of official position should be removed. Accordingly he wished to become a candidate for the consulship of 48 B.C., since his term of office as governor of Gaul would expire in 49 B.C. This had, indeed, been a part of the program arranged at I.uca. But he could not legally become a candidate unless actually in Rome, nor could he legally come to Rome so long as he retained the gov- ernorship. Caesar's enemies insisted on the strict application of the laws to his case, while he wished to be elected to the consulship in his absence. The senate tried by various ex- pedients to shorten his term of office and weaken his army. Caesar proposed concessions, even offering to resign his com- mand if Pompey would do the same. This Pompey refused to do. Finally the senate voted that Caesar should disband his army before a certain day,^ or be regarded a public enemy. The consuls were invested with dictatorial power, and Pompey was placed in command of the senatorial army.
War thus became inevitable. Caesar crossed the Rubicon, which formed the boundary line between his province and Italy, and marched southward. City after city surrendered to him as he advanced. Pompey fell back to Bnindisium, whither Caesar followed him. Pompey then abandoned Italy and crossed over to Greece. This left Caesar master of Rome and Italy less than three months after the beginning of the war. But though he commanded Italy, Pompey was in Greece and a powerful army under Pompey's generals held Spain. Sicily, Sardinia, and Africa were also occupied
^ AVhether Caesar's term was legally to expire March i, 49 B.C., or was to continue to the end of the year, he had counted on remaining in office until the beginning of 48.
THE LIFE OF CAESAR
17
by adherents of the senatorial party. Sending some of his generals against these, Caesar himself set out for Spain. On the way, as Massilia refused to submit to him, he laid siege to the town. Not being immediately successful, he left a force to continue the siege and proceeded to Spain. In a little more than a month he defeated the Pompeians there, and returning through Gaul found Massilia just on the point of sur- rendering. After its surrender he returned to Rome and assumed the office of dictator, to which he had been appointed Dictator, in his absence. He laid down this office after eleven days, but not before he had caused some important laws to be passed, and had held an election in which he was chosen for the consulship of the next year.
He now turned his attention to Pompey, who was still in Greece and had greatly enlarged his army by recruits from Greece and the East. After a vigorous campaign of more than six months he defeated this army in the decisive battle of Pharsalus, in August, 48 B.C. Pompey in despair crossed Pharsaiut over into Egypt, where he asked the protection of Ptolemy, ^sb.c. the king; but he was treacherously murdered by order of the Murder oi king's advisers. Caesar is said to have shed tears on learning P<>™P«y- of the death of his rival.
After Pompey 's death Caesar became involved in wars in Egypt and Asia Minor. When these had been successfully finished, he returned to Rome, but soon set out for Africa, where there was still a senatorial army. In April, 46 B.C., he defeated this army in the battle of Thapsus, and all northern Thapsus, Africa submitted to his authority. He returned to Rome again ^^ ^'^' and celebrated magnificent triumphs, though not for his victo- ries over Roman citizens. ' The half-forgotten Gallic hero Ver- cingetorix was dragged from the Roman dungeon where he had lain for six years, led in Caesar's triumphal procession, and then solemnly beheaded at the foot of the Capitol as a warning to Executioi 'traitors.' Public tlfctnksgivings of unprecedented length were o^J^®'^" decreed, and honors of all sorts were showered upon the con-
i8
INTRODUCTION
IMetator for ten years.
Manda, 45 B.C.
Imperator.
queror. He seemed to win all hearts by his clemency. He was created dictator for ten years (afterwards for life) and made guardian of the public morals. He was already pontifex maximus, and in these several capacities he made many whole- some laws and reforms, one of the most important being the reform of the calendar, which had come to vary greatly from the solar year. In commemoration of this reform the name July (niensis lulius) was given to the month Quinctilis^ in which he was born, and the calendar established by him, slightly changed, is the one we still use.
In 45 B.C. fighting was resumed, this time in Spain, but after a vigorous campaign the final victory was won at Munda, and Caesar was master of the Roman world. He was now hardly past the prime of life, and could apparently look forward to many years of power. The senate conferred upon him the title imperator (military head of the state), which was to be held for life and was probably intended to be hereditary. This made him practically the first of a line of monarchs, though lacking the title of king. Probably this title too would have been given him but for the deep hatred which the Romans had for the kingly name. But he was hailed as pater patriae^ and his por- trait was placed on Roman coins. As head of the state he took to himself the prerogatives, if not the name, of royalty. He maintained a splendid court, and undertook to reward his friends and adherents in right princely fashion. He planned great public works, such as the establishment of a library and the digging of a canal through the isthmus of Corinth. More and greater than this, he began to make extensive and far- reaching changes in the Roman constitution, looking toward the reorganization of the government of the whole empire.
Not all Romans were content with things as they were and with the prospects for the future. There were men who looked with disfavor on the honors and power conferred upon Caesar. As early as the beginning of 44 b.c. a conspiracy was begun, which had for its object the killing of the 'tyrant' and the res-
THE LIFE OF CAESAR
19
toration of the republic. Some of the conspirators were actu- ated by patriotic motives, while others were Caesar's personal enemies. The assassination took place on the Ides of March, Death, as planned, but the reestablishment of the republic was impos- ^^^^^ »5i sible. Caesar's death plunged the state into anarchy and confusion, from which it was not rescued until his successor Augustus was firmly established upon the imperial throne.
Caesar, the Man. — For details regarding Caesar's personal piiysical appearance we have to depend on the gossip of later writers, charactei since none of the many existing statues and busts is known to have been taken from hfe, or to represent the man as he actu- . ally was. Suetonius says that he was tall and slender, with a fair complexion and bright, black eyes. His health was gener- ally good, and he was capable of great endurance. He seemed never to feel fatigue, and could travel night and day, sleeping in his carriage. Late in life, however, he became subject to epilepsy. He was very fastidious in dress, and received with delight the honor bestowed by the senate in authorizing him to wear in public a crown of bay, because thereby he could hide his growing baldness.
Caesar was a man of remarkable mental strength and Moral unbounded confidence in himself and in his destiny. Ambition ^^a^ties. was his niling passion, and to that everything else was subordi- nate. He seems to have been by nature kind-hearted and generous, and he boasts of his clemency ; yet his cruelties in his Gallic campaigns are appalling. He tells of them himself, how- ever, apparently with perfect frankness. In the Civil War and afterward his forbearance toward the vanquished was politic and most admirable. In the use of money he was lavish and altogether unscrupulous. Bribery, direct and indirect, was one of his chief methods of attracting support, at least in his earlier career. But no one was more faithful to a friend than he, and he had warm friends in all ranks of life. The soldiers of his army were devoted to him. So were many of his personal
20 INTRODUCTION
friends ; yet some of his greatest troubles, and at last his death, came from the treachery of men in whose friendship he had confided.
Caesar's ability manifested itself in everything which he under- took, and in many different ways. Though in early life he had comparatively little military experience, yet after the age of forty he became one of the world's greatest generals. His en- gineering works were worthy of one bred to the life of an engi- neer. As an orator the Romans ranked him second to Cicero only. As a writer he cultivated the fields of poetry, history, sci- ence, philosophy, and all of them with success. His work as a statesman gave definite shape to the subsequent history of Rome, and through her strongly influenced the destinies of mankind.
Caesar's Commentaries. — Besides some fragments, the only writings of Caesar which have been preserved to us are the Copinienfaries on the Gallic War and the Commentaries on ifie Civil War, The style of these is direct and, for the most part, clear. The work on the Civil War is in three books, with con- tinuations in three books by other hands.
Caesar's account of the Gallic War is in seven books, to which an eighth was added by another writer, probably Hirtius, one of Caesar's officers. The events are narrated by years, each year usually occupying a book. Caesar speaks of himself in the third person. The general trustworthiness of the account seems fairly well established, though Caesar represents his own motives in the most favorable light, and very likely sometimes suppresses troublesome facts. Minor discrepancies between different parts of the work are no doubt due to haste of compo- sition, or to the fact that the different parts were composed at different times. Some mistakes may be due to corruptions which crept in while the text was transmitted in handwritten copies during the centuries before the invention of printing.
The Commcfitaries o?i the Gallic War give us many curious facts about the world outside of Rome. Almost our earliest
ifcf
\_
•te.Rfif.
^ T
^•yis^sAi^
K
CAESAR'S FIELD OF OPERATIONS
21
importan of tlie w
trustworthy information regarding Britain, Germany, and Gaul Interest comes from them. Caesar was a close observer ; though he was sometimes imposed upon by false information, yet modern investigation verifies many of his seemingly improbable state- ments. These lands were to the Romans the home of the wild, the strange, and the impossible, and far more extravagant stories
than Caesar tells would readily have been believed of them. Caesar himself was the ex- plorer, conqueror, and histo- rian of this strange world. A halo of romance crowns the hero who carries his country's arms into an unknown land, far more than him whose deeds are done in the plain sight of his countrymen. Moreover, Caesar's deeds in Gaul were by no means insignificant in themselves. In ten years, according to Plutarch, he took more than eight hundred towns, conquered three hundred tribes, and fought with three millions of men, killing one million and capturing another. Besides, he freed Rome from a fear which had haunted her for centuries, and opened a new world to the Romans for colonization and occupation.
A COIN OF CAESAR
CAESAR'S FIELD OF MILITARY OPERA- TIONS
Gaul. — Gaul in Caesar's time included Gallia Cisalphia Divisions (^Gaul this side the Alps,' i.e. northern Italy) and Gallia o^Ga^i- Transalpina (* Gaul across the Alps '). Gallia Cisalpina was also called Gallia Citerior ('Hither Gaul'). It came to be regarded as an integral part of Italy, and Caesar sometimes says Italia when he refers to Cisalpine Gaul.^ Gallia Transal-
1 E.g. B.G. I. 10.
CAESAR'S FIELD OF OPERATIONS 23
pina, or Gallia Ulterior (* Farther Gaul'), included modern France, the most of Switzerland, Germany west of the Rhine, Belgium, and a part of Holland. The Roman province {Gallia provincia, sometimes called simply provincid) occupied the southeastern part of this region. The rest of Transalpine Gaul was divided, Caesar tells us,^ into three parts, inhabited respectively by the Belgae, the Aquitani, and the Celtae, or Gain proper. Caesar sometimes uses the name Gallia to designate the division inhabited by the Celtae ; elsewhere by Gallia he generally means Transalpine Gaul exclusive of the province.
The soil of Gaul was fertile, producing cereals and timber. Soil, ciim and supporting large numbers of cattle and swine. The climate p^°^***^^*°' seems to have been somewhat colder than that of the same regions to-day, though the valley of the Rhone closely resem- bled Italy in climate and products. Minerals — gold, silver, iron, and copper — were found in different parts of the coun- try, and the Aquitani especially were skilled in mining and quarrying.
Caesar*s division of the inhabitants of Gaul into Belgae, inhabitan Aquitani, and Celtae, though not strictly scientific, is con- venient for understanding liis narrative of the GalHc War. In reality no one of these peoples was homogeneous. Modern researches show that each included more than one race, or type. A part of the Aquitani seem to have been akin to the Aquitani. Iberians of Spain ; but along with them dwelt another race, very likely belonging to the Ligurian stock, which we know inhabited other parts of southern Gaul. The relation between these two races and the modern Basques, who dwell among the Pyrenees, has not been determined with certainty.
In sharp contrast to the Aquitani stood the Belgae and Beigaean Celtae. The Aquitani were a small, dark people. The Gauls, or Celts, are represented by ancient writers as tall and large, with fair complexion, red or yellowish hair, and fierce blue
1 B,G, I. I.
24
INTRODUCTION
eyes. Long before Caesar's time a people having these char- acteristics had invaded and conquered Gaul with the exception of Aquitania. The mixture, or partial amalgamation, of these invaders with the aboriginal race or races of central Gaul con- stituted Caesar's Celtae. The invaders of the north may have differed slightly from those farther south, though essentially the same race. These northern invaders were the Belgae, who were perhaps more or less mixed with Germans. According to a' statement reported by Caesar as made to him by Belgian chiefs, the most of the Belgae were of German origin.^
Caesar speaks of a difference in language between the Belgae and the Celtae, but this difference was probably only slight. The languages of both belonged, of course, to the Celtic family, living members of which are still found in Ireland, Scotland, Wales, and elsewhere. The languages of the Celtic group closely resemble those of the Italic group, of which Latin is one. Of the Celtic of Caesar's time no texts are preserved, but there are numerous proper names and a few other words. The lan- guage of the Belgae may have had some German admixture.
The Gauls were a lively race, fond of boasting, curious, quick to learn, quarrelsome among themselves, but generous and sympathetic. Caesar often speaks of their changeableness. They were prone to excess in eating and drinking. They loved to deck themselves out with golden ornaments. Their ordi- nary clothing consisted of a woolen shirt or tunic, trousers, and a colored cloak, probably somewhat like a Scottish plaid. Their houses were generally of timber or wattlework, round, and covered with thatch. They had some skill in mechanic arts, such as bridge-building and other kinds of engineering. They had passed so far from the barbarian stage that they even had a crude literature, art, and philosophy of their own. The Celtae were more civilized than the Belgae. The Aquitani were com- paratively unimportant, and less is known of them than of the other Gauls.
1 B.G. 2. 4.
CAESAR'S FIELD OF OPERATIONS
25
The Gauls were brave in battle. The Belgae especially had Military great repute among the other Gauls for military prowess, be- 'p*"'- cause they alone hjid successfully resisted the invasion of the Cimbri and Teutoni.' The Gauls were full of fiery impetuosity, but lacked endurance, and hence were at a disadvantage with the smaller and more wiry Romans. Their weapons were huge
swords and lances, and they itiade comparatively little use of defensive armor. Cavalry formed a large part of their fighting strength. The time had been when they carried their arms across the Rhine into Germany, but in the first century before Christ the tide of invasion was running the other way. There had been a marked decline of martial spirit, due partly to the corrupting influences coming from the Roman province. The 1 Cf. B. C. 2. 4.
ft OALLIC SOLDIER
CAESAR'S FIELD OF OPERATIONS 27
Greek culture which at an early period pervaded southern Gaul from Massilia and the other Greek settlements had been par- tially replaced by a vicious sort of Roman culture.
The population of Gaul was very numerous. Napoleon III Popnlatlc estimated that in Caesar's time the country had more than seven million inhabitants. They were divided into many tribes, — sixty, according to one authority, over three hundred, accord- ing to another. The apparent discrepancy is due to the fact that some tribes were subdivided, and the name of a large tribe often covered smaller dependent tribes.
There was no national unity, though some of the larger Political tribes exercised a virtual sovereignty over others. Each tribe ^®^^**®" seems earlier to have had its king and its council of elders, which Caesar calls a senate ; but at the time of which Caesar writes most tribes had deposed their kings and were governed by elective magistrates. The government was, however, oligar- chical rather than democratic, and the deposed kings or their descendants always stood ready to seize any opportunity of re- covering the throne. Hence the states were rent continually by party spirit. Caesar often found this circumstance favorable to his own purposes, since by espousing the cause of one party he could use it in gaining control of the state.
Caesar speaks of three classes among the Gauls, — the druids. Classes, the knights, and the common people.^ The last were of small account politically, being in general little better than serfs. The knights, equites^ formed a military class, a kind of order of nobility. The druids had charge of religious matters.
Of the religion, druidism, not much is known in detail. A Drnidlsm long and severe course of training, sometimes lasting twenty years, was required of those who would become druids.^ A great part of the training consisted in committing to memory verses containing the ethical and theological precepts of the religion. The druids taught the doctrine of the immortality of the soul and its passage from one body tp another. Magic 1 B,G, 6. 13. 2 cf. B.G, 6. 13 and 14.
28 INTRODUCTION
and human sacrifices formed a part of their ritual. The power of the druids, even in temporal matters, was very great. They acted as judges, and their decisions, enforced by the prestige of religion, were almost universally obeyed. In the determin- ing of political movements, too, it was natural that their influ- ence should be strong. Caesar found the help of the druid Diviciacus of great value to him, but more often, no doubt, druidical influences worked against the Romans. In fact, in this state religion rested the germ which under more favorable conditions might have developed into a form of national unity.
We learn from other writers that there were three orders of druids : the minstrels, who celebrated in verse the heroes of the race ; the diviners, whose function it was to penetrate into the future and to interpret the mysteries of nature ; the druids proper, who busied themselves with the higher philosophy and ethics of their religion. The strong arm of the Roman gov- ernment diminished the power of the druids, changed many features of druidism, and put an end to human sacrifice. Yet traces and reminders of old forms and ceremonies long re- mained, and perhaps have never wholly disappeared.
The story of Caesar's conquest of Gaul must have had for his countrymen an interest very similar to that the Spaniards felt, and we still feel, in reading of the conquest of Mexico by Cortez or that of Peru by Pizarro. The eff*ects of the conquest of Gaul were far greater than those of these latter-day con- quests. It formed a step in the Romanization of southern and western Europe, which had already begun. After Caesar's time Transalpine Gaul remained generally peaceful. From 27 B.C. it embraced four provinces: the southern part, Gallia Narbo- nensis ; the central part, Gallia Lugdu7iensis ; the northern and northeastern part, Belgica ; the southwestern part, as far north as the Loire, Aquitania, Gradually Latin became the language of the country. As the power of Rome became firmly fixed and Roman settlers arrived in great numbers, Roman forms of local government, Roman art, science, and literature became
CAESAR'S FIELD OF OPERATIONS 29
established. New cities were founded, and those already exist- ing were more or less completely transformed. Military ro.ids traversed the country, and bridges spanned the streams. Aque- ducts, arches, and temples were built on Roman models. Later, when Christianity became the religion of Rome, it ex- tended itself to Gaul as well as to other parts of the Roman world. As time passed on, the Latin language developed into French, and mingled Gauls and Romans became the French people. Though France is still Gallic in many of its habits and ways of thinking, it is essentially a * Latin nation.*
Britain. — To the early Greeks and Romans the existence of Britain was unknown. Even down to Caesar's time little was known of it except its name and, rather vaguely, its situa- tion. Caesar is the first ancient writer who gives us any defi- nite information regarding the land and its people.
Some of the inhabitants of Britain were Celts, but there were The peop also non-Celtic inhabitants. The Britons were rather less civi- °^ ^^^^ lized than the Gauls, and the tribes of the interior and the north were nearer a savage state than those of the southern coast. They practised a rude kind of agriculture, and knew something of boat-building and navigation. Mining was car- ried on, and tin was one of the principal articles of export. The chief fighting strength of the country lay in men trained to use war-chariots. The Britons dyed their bodies with woad, which produced a blue color, making them more fear- inspiring in battle and taking to some extent the place of clothing. 1 he country was thickly populated, and the houses were similar to those of Gaul. Caesar tells us that the ' towns ' of the Britons were mere walled spaces in the forest, into which they were accustomed to betake themselves to escape the invading en- emy.^ The morals of the people were in a rather primitive state, and cannibalism is said to have been not unknown. The religion of the country was druidism, and here, as in
^ B.C. 5. 21.
JO INTRODUCTION
Gaul, druids played a prominent part in the life of the people. The Gauls believed that druidism had been biought to their country from Britain.^
Caesar's expeditions to Britain were barren of immediate results. Not until a century later, did the Romans again in- vade the island. They finally succeeded in conquering the greater part of it, and the country remained a Roman province for about four hundred years ; but Roman influence was never so strong in Britain as in Gaul, and when it was removed, its effects in large measure disappeared from the life of the people.
Germany. — Germany lay just across the Rhine from Gaul. Its boundaries towards the east were to the Romans altogether indefinite. In earlier times no distinction had been made by Greek and Roman writers between the Gauls and the Germans. In Caesar's time the German was regarded as a kind of exag- gerated Gaul, being bigger, fiercer, and more warlike than the latter. In reality the Germanic race and language differed much from the Celtic, though they had a certain kinship with each other.
Some of the Germans had advanced beyond barbarism, and practised agriculture and the raising of cattle. Private owner- ship of land was, however, unknown, and Caesar tells us that none were allowed to dwell longer than one year in the same place.^ The Germans lived largely on milk and the flesh of cattle, and were clothed chiefly in garments made of skins. They were a virtuous and a hospitable people, but given to excess in eating and drinking. They were brave in battle and, like the Gauls, relied on the effect of a fierce attack. A dis- tinctive feature of their military organization was their system of mingling cavalry and infantry. Caesar speaks with admira- tion of this system,^ and made some use of it in his own army.*
The Germans were divided into tribes, some of them having kings or princes. Ix)cal authority was administered in districts
iCf. ^.6'. 6. 13. ^B.G. 1.48.
2 B. G. 4. I and 6. 22. * Cf. B. 6". 7. 13 and 65.
ROMAN MILITARY ORGANIZATION 31
{pagi) by local magistrates. The germs of democratic govern- ment may be traced in a council of chiefs and a council of the people.
According to Caesar, the religion of the Germans was not Religion, druidism. He says that they worshiped only such divinities as could be apprehended by the senses, or those from which they received aid, as the Sun, Fire, the Moon.^ According to Tacitus and other writers, the Germans were a very religious people and their priests were very powerful.
ROMAN MILITARY ORGANIZATION IN
CAESAR'S TIME
The Anny. — The original Roman army was the legion Theiegioi (Jegio), consisting, according to tradition, of three thousand men. As the power of Rome increased, the number of her soldiers increased, and the army came to be made up of sev- eral legions.
The constitution of the legion in Caesar's time appears in the following table : —
2 centuries = i maniple {jnanipulus).
3 maniples = i cohort (cohors). 10 cohorts = I legion.
'O'
The century (centuria, ordd) ought by the derivation of the The cent word (centum^ 'hundred') to have contained 100 men. That was the original number, and may have been looked upon as the normal number. Thus the legion would contain 6000 men. But Caesar's legions were smaller than this. They appear seldom to have numbered more than 4000 men, often less. Perhaps we may estimate the average century at 60 men.
The regular commander of an army in Italy was one of the consuls. The governor of a province naturally woiild command
1 B,G. 6. 21.
32 INTRODUCTION
the army in that province. As possessor of the imperiumy the specially conferred authority to command, the commaiider of an army was imperator ; but it was not customary, perhaps not strictly legal, for him to assume that title as a mark of honor until after an important victory. After his defeat of the Helvetii Caesar was regularly styled imperator. Only the commander-in-chief could be imperator. He wore a purple cloak called paluiiamentum.
Next in rank to the governor, though a civil, not a military officer, was the quaestor. Several quaestores were elected each year at Rome, and each governor of a province was accompanied by one of them. The quaestor had charge of the finances of the province and army, discharging the duties of a treasurer- and a quartermaster- general. Caesar occasionally assigned his quaestor to a military command.
The military officers next to the general were called iegati. Legatus is commonly translated ' lieutenant,* but the legates were very different from lieutenants in modern armies. They were assistants to the general, a sort of staff, and might be assigned to specific duties, to the command of a legion or of a number of legions, but had no independent authority. The legates were often men of considerable military ability and experience. The number which a general might have was fixed by the senate, which also had the appointment of them, though usually the wishes of the general himself were respected in the appoint- ment. In the latter part of the Gallic War Caesar had ten legates. Several of these gained distinction in the field. Labienus was the most able and trusted of all, though he abandoned Caesar when the latter declared war against the senate. Qnintns Cicero, brother of the orator, Lucius Aunmculeius Cotta, and others are mentioned by Caesar with commendation. Caesar apparently originated the custom of assigning a legate to each legion, at first merely as his personal representative, but later as commander of the legion. The legates were regularly of senatorial rank.
CAESAR AS IMPERATOR (From the statUE in the Palazzo dei Conservatori, Rome]
ROMAN MILITARY ORGANIZATION ^3
The tribunes of the soldiers (tribuni militum) seem usually jribuni to have been of equestrian rank. They were appointed in part '"'"**""• by the general, in part by the people. Appointments were often made for political reasons, reasons of friendship, and the like. A general might pay a delicate compliment to his cred- itor, and incidentally perhaps secure an extension of credit, by giving a tribuneship to the creditor's son. Hence many trib- unes proved of no great service in war, and in times of actual danger some were worse than useless.^ Each legion had- six tribunes. They looked after arms and equipments ; they pre- sided over trials for military offenses ; they saw to the selection of suitable places for camps and to the building of these ; they formed a medium of communication between the general and his soldiers ; sometimes they commanded cohorts or groups of cohorts. In earlier times the tribunes had more power, but as appointments came to depend on poHtics or favoritism, their more important duties were transferred to the legates.
Of great importance from a military point of view were the The centurions (centuriones). These were soldiers who had especially ^^^^t'"^®^ distinguished themselves and therefore had been selected for command. Strength and stature were required in a centurion, bravery and sobriety, as well as skill in fighting and ability to enforce discipline. Each maniple, containing two centuries, had two centurions. Of these, one ranked higher than the other and in effect commanded the entire maniple. In case of his death or disability the maniple still had a commander in the person of the other centurion.
Appointment to a centurionship was a reward of merit, and Promotio] centurions were advanced according to a regular system of ceJit'"^®^' promotion. What the system was is uncertain ; but just as soldiers passed from lower to higher cohorts until they reached the first cohort, which thus contained the best troops in the legion, so centurions passed in some order from lower to higher cohorts, and from lower to higher maniples within the cohort.
1 Cf. B.G, I. 39.
D
34
INTRODUCTION
PrimI ordinea.
PrImlpUuB.
PraefecH.
Tlie lesfion- axy soldier.
Eoocati.
Training.
Clothing and armor.
The six centurions of the first cohort probably constituted the primi ordineSy or centuriones primorum ordinunty frequently mentioned. The first centurion of the first maniple of this cohort was called primipilus, and he sometimes virtually com- manded the legion in action. With the position of primipilus the promotion of the centurion regularly ended. He was not fitted by birth or education for the positions of tribune and legate.
The praefecti did not belong to any of the foregoing classes of officers. The term is sometimes loosely used to denote sub- ordinate officers appointed to special commands. By Caesar it is generally applied to the officers of the auxiliary troops or of the cavalry.
The regular soldier {miles iegionarius) was always a Roman citizen, though Caesar enrolled in his armies some who did not become citizens until after enlistment. In early times soldiers were enrolled for short periods or for special emergencies. Later, military service came to be regarded as a special trade or occupation. Twenty years was set as the limit of service, though this term was often exceeded under the empire. After the expiration of his term a soldier sometimes reentered the service as an evocatus on the invitation of the general. Evo- cati had many privileges and immunities, being generally ex- empt from all duties except actual fighting.
The training of the Roman soldier was severe. He was obliged to become as proficient in the use of his ax and shovel as in that of his sword and javelin. The simpler building and engineering tools were familiar to him. Though serving on foot, he could at a pinch acquit himself creditably on horse- back. This versatility, controlled by a considerable rigidity of discipline, made Roman legions a match for armies much supe- rior to them in numbers and composed of soldiers surpassing in both size and strength their Roman opponents.
The soldier wore a coarse, sleeveless tunic, and had a woolen cloak (sagum) to protect him from cold and wet. On
ROMAN MILITARY ORGANIZATION
35
4
0
his feet were heavy sandals (caligae) . Breeches were worn in
the first century after Christ, but probably not in Caesar's time. The lorica^ a jacket made in early times of leather, afterwards of iron rings like a coat of mail, protected the soldier's body. He probably wore a metal greave {ocrea) on his right shin. His head was protected in battle by a helmet {galea) pf leather strengthened with metal, and provided with a device (Jnsigne) which could easily be put on when battle was about to begin. The shield {scutum) was made of wood, Arms, and was generally rectangular, but with a slightly cylindrical curvature. It was covered with leather or. with iron plates and strengthened with iron at top and bottom. At the middle of the outside surface was an iron boss (umbo) which made the shield stronger and served to turn aside blows fall- ing upon it. The soldier's offensive weapons were javelin and sword. The javelin {pilutn) had a round or square wooden shaft four to four and one half feet long, with an iron head and neck projecting two feet or more beyond the shaft. The neck was of soft iron, so that it bent easily, render- ing the weapon useless for a return y throw. The weight of this weapon was considerable. The sword (^/d^^/^j) was short and pointed, and was used chiefly for stabbing, though it had two cutting edges. It hung usually at Wve i\^\.
PILA
3^
INTRODUCTION
side, suspended by a leather strap {balteus) passing over the left shoulder.
Shortly before the Civil War Caesar raised the pay of his soldiers to 225 denarii (about ^140) per year. Previously it had been about half this sum. From the soldier's pay was deducted the cost of rations, clothing, and equipments. The ration was four modii (about a bushel) of grain i^f rumen- turn) per month. The grain was usually wheat, sometimes bar- ley. It was ground in a hand-mill and either baked into bread or boiled into a sort of paste by the soldier himself. Other ar- ticles could be obtained by foraging, and luxuries could be
.~^^^piSp2^^
GLADIUS AND VAGINA
purchased of traders following the army. Prices were low, and the soldier, if he chose, could no doubt save a considerable part of his pay. Gifts and plunder increased his remuneration, and when his term of service expired, a soldier usually received a grant of land or money, or both. The pay of a centurion was double that of a common soldier.
On his arrival in Transalpine Gaul Caesar found there one legion. Three others were wintering at Aquileia in the nearer province. These four were numbered VII, VIII, IX, and X. He brought the three from Aquileia and levied two more, XI and XII, in Cisalpine Gaul. After the campaigns of the first year he levied two more legions, XIII and XIV. These eight legions made up his army until 54 B.C., when probably ^ another legion, XV, was enrolled. In the winter of this year one legion
1 See notes on B.G. 5. 24.
ROMAN MIUTARY ORGANIZATION
37
and five cohorts were annihilated, and five cohorts were prob- ably used (o fill gaps in the remaining legions. The legion entirely destroyed appears to have been XV, and the ten co- horts to have formed XIV. After this disaster Caesar borrowed a legion from Pompey and raised two others. The new ones were no doubt numbered XIV and XV ; the borrowed legion was numbered I in Pompey's army, but was very likely iden- tical with Caesar's VI, mentioned by the author of the eighth book. Thus in the last years of the war Caesar had ten legions (eleven, if I and VI were not the same).
Besides the legions, the army contained auxiliary troops and Anxuiu? cavalry. The auxiliaries (auxtha aUnt) were mostly Gauls ^[^l^t/" some furnished by allied Gallic states others raised by the gen eral himself in the province. They were light-armed troops carry- ing a small, round shield (/'arwu) insteadof the jeu/K'«. Caesat had also mercenary troops skilled in the use of special weapons, as bowmen from Crete and slingers from the Ba\ear\c Isles. The cavalry {equitatus, equites) was composed mostly of Gaals, with some Spanish and German mercenaries. Caesar Viad sometimes as many as 5000 horsemen. Th^y ap?^*'^ ^^ ^^^^ worn on their heads regularly a metal he] et ( tOSS""), inrtead
I
38 INTRODUCTION
of the galea^ and they carried one or more light spears {hastae). Like the light-armed infantry, they carried parmae. They were organized in turmaCy each turtna containing about thirty men. Smaller divisions were decurtae, of ten men each, com- manded by decuriones. The senior decurion commanded the whole turma. In the eighth book Gaius Volusenus Quadratus is cdWtd praefectus equituniy meaning perhaps 'commander-in- chief of the cavalry/ But the term praefectus equitum was usually applied to the commander of an ala^ which consisted of ten or twelve turmae. The commander-in-chief of the cav- alry was usually a Roman,^ but many of the subordinate officers were natives. Caesar regularly dismissed a part of his cavalry in the fall, to reassemble in the spring.
There were numerous non-combatants in the army, servants {calones)y drivers, etc. Traders {mercatores) followed the army to buy the booty and to sell to the soldiers articles not provided by the military authorities. A corps of smiths, car- penters, and engineers distinct from the legions seems not to have existed in Caesar's army.
The standard {signum) of the legion was an eagle, usually of silver, mounted on a staff. It was in charge of the primipiluSy but was usually carried by a soldier specially appointed for the purpose {aquilifer). Other signa were of various shapes.' A favorite device was the representation of a human hand. Often streamers, metallic decorations, or small banners were added. The bearers of these signa were called signi/eri. The maniple had a signum, but there seems, at least in Caesar's army, to have been no separate standard for the cohort. The standard of the first maniple of the cohort probably served as a standard for the whole cohort. When the army was en- camped, the signa were kept in a special place, and were objects of veneration, almost of worship, to the soldiers. The loss of a signum in battle was a great disgrace as well as a misfortune. The importance of the standard is indicated by
1 Cf. B.G. I. 52.
ROMAN MILITARY ORGANIZATION
39
the numerous phrases in which signum occurs : for example,
signa inferre (* advance to the attack '), signa consHtuere
(* halt '), stgna convertere (* wheel '), a signis discedere (* leave the ranks').
The vexillum was a flag, or banner. The rais- yexnia. ing of a red vexillum at the general's tent was the signal to arm for battle. Small bodies of troops sent on an expedition followed a vexillum^ and vexilla were used by auxiliaries and cavalry. Sometimes a vexillutn was used which' had the general's name inscribed on it in purple letters.
As in modern times, signals were given by Music. wind-instruments of brass. There were several kinds of these instruments. The horn {cornu) was curved, the trumpet {tuba) straight. They signaled the advance or the retreat. The bucina was curved, and was used especially to signal the change of watches {vigiliae). The IttuuSy
straight, but with a crook at the end, gave shrill notes for
cavalry signals.
VEXILLUM
M^
CORNU
TUBA
L1TU13S
40
INTRODUCTION
The Army on the March. — The march ordinarily began early in the morning and ended shortly after noon. A regular day's march was about fifteen miles, but in an emergency an army could accomplish double that distance. Forced marches {magna iti- nera) are often mentioned by Caesar. He tells us^ that his usual marching column was formed with legions and baggage alter- nating. In the vicinity of an enemy this order was changed ;^ several legions marched in front, then the baggage of the whole army followed, and a strong guard brought up the rear. Over short distances, when approaching the enemy, the army was sometimes led in battle array. The army on the march was technically called agmen, when drawn up in battle array acies. The rear of the marching column was called nmnssimum agmen, the van primum agmen. Cavalry or light-armed infantry were often sent on in advance to reconnoiter.
The heavy baggage {impedimenta) was carried on wagons or by pack-animals. It consisted of tents, artillery {tormenta), and articles not belonging to the soldier's personal baggage. The term impedimenta also included the means of transporta- tion, animals and wagons, and is occasionally used as equivalent to * beasts of burden.' ^ The soldiers' packs {sarcinae) were usually carried suspended from forked sticks. A pack some- times weighed fifty or sixty pounds. Besides armor, arms, and clothing, the soldier carried his own rations, his hatchet and spade, his cooking-utensils, one or more stakes {valli) for the fortification of the camp, and numerous smaller articles. The soldier with his pack was said to be impeditus. When he laid it down for the battle, or when he was marching without it, as sometimes happened in the immediate vicinity of the enemy, he was said to be expeditus.
Rivers not more than four or five feet deep could be forded. Deeper rivers were usually bridged. Caesar twice bridged the Rhine, and his bridges, if not perfect models, seem to have served admirably the purpose for which they were built. 1 B,G, 2. 17. 2 cf. B,G, 2. 19. 8 E.g. B,G, 7. 45.
ROMAN MIUTARy ORGANIZATION 41
The Camp.— When the march of the army began in the morning, a detachment was sent in advance to, select a suitable place (locum idoneum eastris deligere) and lay out a camp (castra metari). When the army arrived at the spot selected, usually about noon or somewhat later, the soldiers proceeded
TABERNACULA
at once to the work of fortification {castra munire). The place desired was a gently rising slope in the vicinity of water, fuel, and fodder. The camp faced down the slope, and its rear was usually on the summit or near it.
The shape of the camp was necessarily somewhat dependent Form a on the nature of the ground, but the usual form was oblong or **""■ square. Two lines extending through the camp and intersect- ing each other at right angles gave, where they ciossei livft
42
INTRODUCTION
walls, the four principal gates of the camp. The &ont gate, i[i the middle of the wall facing the enemy, was the porta praetoria; the one opposite, the porta decumana. On the right and left as one faced the porta praetoria were the/or/a principalis dextra and the porta principalis sinistra. These
were connected by a street loo feet wide, via principalis. There were other streets, broad and narrow. A street started from Sht porta praetoria in the direction of ihi porta decumana, but it was interrupted by the praelorium.
The praetoriiim, the general's headquarters, was near the rear of the camp, and close by were an altar and the sug- gestus, a platform or mound from which the general addressed his soldiers assembled in the forum. Around the wall, on the inside, a space of two hundred feet was left clear, that there
ROMAN MILITARY ORGANIZATION
43
might be room for necessary movements of troops within the camp, and that missiles from without might not reach the soldiers in their tents. The tents (tabernaculd) were usually of leather or skins {pelles). Ten soldiers occupied a tent to- gether, constituting a mess {contubernium) , The details of arrangement of Caesar's camps are unknown, but the accom- panying illustration probably represents them approximately.
The fortifications of the camp consisted of a rampart Fortiflca- (zfalluniy agger) and a trench {fossa) outside the wall. Accord- ^"" ^' *^* ing to a late Roman writer the normal width of the trench was twelve feet, and the depth nine feet. This, if correct in the main, was of course constantly varied. Caesar often gives one dimension of his trenches, without specifying which one. In these cases width at the top is meant. The depth was less im- portant, and probably bore a fixed ratio to the width. These trenches were not ordinarily filled with water. The earth re- moved in excavation was used in building the rampart. This was often strengthened by sods on the outside, and by logs or brushwood imbedded in the rampart itself. Obviously the size of the rampart would vary with the depth and width of the trench. No doubt it was usually at least six feet in height. The top was made flat, and wide enough to give firm footing for a row of soldiers. Often a parapet (Jorica) of stakes (valli) was placed along the outer edge, to serve as a protection for the soldiers in case of an attack upon the camp. Wooden towers were sometimes built at intervals along the wall and connected by gangways or bridges {pontes). The gates were protected by earthworks so built that those entering must expose their right sides, which were unprotected by shields, to the defenders. Winter camps {hiberna) differed from summer winter camps chiefly in being more strongly fortified and in having tt'***^*"* wooden barracks in place of tents.*
Pickets {stationes) were thrown forward outside the gates in Guards, sufficient numbers to provide against surprise. Sometimes
1 Cf. B. G, 3. 29.
44
INTRODUCTION
the picket consisted of a single cohort and some cavalry. In times of great danger this force was largely increased. At Avaricum * two legions were quartered before the camp. Senti- nels {vigiliae), who were relieved at regular intervals of three hours (hence the use of vigilia as a measure of time), kept guard during the night.
[
]
I ' I
r~T— 1
[
]
10
]
[
8
]
TRIPLEX ACIES
The Army in Action. — The usual formation for battle was ^piexaciea. a triple line (triplex acies). When a legion was arranged in triple line, four cohorts stood in the front row, three in the sec- ond, and three in the third. The three maniples of a cohort were probably stationed side by side, the first centuries ahead of the second. If the century contained sixty men, the arrange- ment was very likely fifteen front and four deep. Thus each co-
|
Manlp. Ill |
Manip. II |
Manlp. 1 |
||
|
Cent. I |
Cent. 1 |
Cent. 1 |
||
|
Cent. II |
Cent. II |
Cent. II |
ARRANGEMENT OF A COHORT
hort would have a depth of eight men and a front of forty-five. According to a late writer each soldier had a right-and-left space of three feet in the rank, and the ranks were six feet apart. So, if we allow seven or eight feet between the maniples and a few feet between the centuries of a maniple, a cohort would occupy a rectangle about one hundred and fifty feet by forty-five feet. The space between cohorts may have been equal to the
1 Cf. B. G. 7. 24.
I
V
ROMAN MILITARY ORGANIZATION
45
width of a cohort. If so, the legion would occupy a space of more than one thousand feet from right to left. In action the soldiers doubtless moved farther apart, filling the space between the cohorts and presenting an unbroken front to the enemy.
When the army joined battle with the enemy, the soldiers in The i>attle the first line discharged their pila. Then they rushed for- ward and with swords drawn continued the battle. The char- acter of the weapons used rendered it necessary that fight- ing should be at close range ; in fact, a battle consisted largely of single combats. When the soldiers of the first line became weary, they fell back, and the soldiers of the second line came forward through the intervals. Thus the two lines alternated, while the third line in the rear acted as a reserve ready to come up at the critical moment. The new recruits usually made up the third line, and thus had an opportunity to become accustomed to battle gradually without being put at first in positions of great danger or responsibility. The stand- ards {signa) served as rallying-places for the soldiers. Their position during battle is not known, but probably it was a little behind the first line of cohorts.
The battle was won not so much by brute force as by well or- ganized, persistent attack. When an army was once defeated, especially an army of barbarians, it was seldom necessary to defeat the same soldiers again. When the enemy fled, the light-armed infantry and the cavalry, who formed the wings of the army, started in pursuit. Usually most of the defeated were cut down or captured. Those captured were sometimes paroled, but more often they were either killed or sold as slaves.
Different formations were adopted to meet various emergen- other cies. The wedge {cuneus) was used to make an irresistible attack *®'™*"®^* on a particular spot, or to divide the enemy's line. The orbis was formed when an army, or a part of one, was attacked on the march. It was easy to change from the order of march usual in the vicinity of an enemy^ to a condensed mass, circle or square,
^ See p. 40.
46 INTRODUCTION
offering equal resistance on all sides. The testudo, an arrange- ment in which the soldiers held their shields overlapped above their heads, was. of use chiefly in advancing to attack fortified places, where missiles were likely to be received from overhead. The favorite battle-ground of the Romans was the slope of a hill, where they could rush down upon the enemy and throw their pila downward, thus increasing their force. As already stated, camps were usually located in places which gave this advantage of position in case of attack.
Operations against Fortified Towns. — Many of Caesar's military movements were directed against fortified towns. There were several ways of proceeding against such towns. If the attempt seemed likely to be successful, a sudden attack
assault, {oppugnatio repentind) was made. While the wall was kept clear of defenders by light-armed troops,. archers and slingers, and by the use of tormenta^ other parts of the attacking army tried to force an entrance into the town by filling up the moats, breaking through the gates, undermining or pulling down the wall, or even sometimes by climbing over it. The attempt was often made before a camp was constructed by the attacking army {ex itinere oppugnare)}
liege. If the place was of considerable strength, a siege (obsidio,
obsessid) might be begun. This often meant starving out the besieged, unless they surrendered before they were reduced to extremities. The town was first surrounded with a series of redoubts {castelld) connected by lines of intrenchments {muni- tiones). Such a series of works is called in modern times a contravallation. Outside of these works were the forces of the besiegers, sometimes divided up among several camps, to ward off sallies against different points in the line. Sometimes an- other line of intrenchments was drawn around the outside, to keep off assistance coming to the besieged from without. Thus it was at Alesia.^
1 Cf. B.G. 2. 12. 2 cf. B,G. 7. 74.
ROMAN MIUTARY ORGANIZATION
47
A third method of procedure was by special siege works of The attM attack. This was used against places strongly fortified or diffi- "*' ^^** cult of access and was often combined with the siege proper. The important feature of this method was the building of the
of^er. In its usual form this was an elevated roadway, built Aggar. chiefly of logs. It was begun out of reach of missiles from the wall of the town, and then carried toward the wall, usually at a right angle to it, though sometimes it turned as it ap-
proached the wall and ran for some distince parallel to the lat- ter. As the building of the a^^er progressed, rows of sheds {vineae) open at the ends were placed end to end on the com- v. pleted portion, forming a covered passige along which material could be brought In front of those engaged m Ihe woiV -vwe
48 INTRODUCTION
plufei, shield-like protections or screens, made of planks or of woven branches and mounted on wheels or rollers. These, as well as the vineae, were often covered with skins, to protect them from fire. As tlie agger was constructed chiefly of wood, it also might be set on fire ; accordingly the exposed portions were faced with stone or earth, or covered with skins or wet cloths.
The height and general shape of the agger varied of course with the condi- tions. Usually its upper surface formed a .plane leading directly toward the base of the wall. If ulll— — -
the town was much ele- "",'.'.'.'. '
vated above the surround- - .,
ing country, this plane * ' ," " " ' '
must have had a consider-
able upward slope, Some- •*..,' y^--^;^ | times, however, it appears that the upper surface of the agger was horizon- tvrris
tal, or nearly so. On it
was built a tower (turris), which might be thirty or forty feet square or even larger. This was very solidly made of timber, and was pushed forward on rollers as the agger was completed. The tower was built up in stories until it was as high as the wall. In the top of it were soldiers, whose duty it was to clear the wall of defenders, while their companions below tilled up the moat and tried to breach the wall. Men working near the wall were protected by strongly timbered sheds (lestudines, musculi). If the town was on level ground and not difficult of access, sometimes no agger was built, but two towers were moved toward the wall on the surface of the ground Itself, while be- tween them the soldiers worked to make a breach. On the
ROMAN MIUTARY ORGANIZATION 49
ag^r, or between these towers if no agger was built, the soldiers massed, after the breach was made, to deliver the assault.
Some think that the agger was made as high as the top of Burereai the wail of the town, its purpose being to give a passage for an ^^*^' assaulting column, which might pass from it upon the wall by drawbridges or similar means. Undoubtedly the agger was sometimes as high as the wall. It might even carry more than one tower, and have soldiers stationed on it. There may have been a form of agger which was built parallel to the wall and carried several towers. But it is not certain that the purpose of these forms was different from that of the form first described. The whole subject is one about which great uncertainty and difference of opinion exist.
In breaching the wall various instruments and devices might be used. The battering-ram {aries) consisted of a heavy log * provided with a metalhc head, often shaped like a ram's head. It was suspended horizontally by the middle in the interior of a tower or inside a iestudo or musculus. The ram was swung backward and forward to strike the wall with its head. Its length was sometimes more than one hundred feet, and a large number of men were required to work it. 'Wi^falx was some- ' what similar, except that instead of a solid head it had a hook to pull off stones from the wall. Walls were often undermined, and sometimes, where the situation permitted, gates were set on fire by the besiegers.
50 INTRODUCTION
Various means were used by the besieged to counteract the eRbrts of the attacking army. Bags of straw or wool were low- ered from the wall to deaden the blows of the ram. Great
m,
rocks were rolled down upon the soldiers and their impleti Nooses or huge tongs were let down to catch the aries and the Jaix, and either turn them aside or draw them up. Fire-balla,
CATAPULT A
burning j>ilc!i and suet, and blazing arrows were discharged at the a_^cr and tunis. Above all, a continuous shower of mis- siles was rained upon the attackers.
Both besieged and besiegers were often provided with instru- ments {tormenia) for hurling heavj' missiles. These consisted of heavy crossbows with highly elastic strings of sinew or hair.
ROMAN MIUTARY ORGANIZATION
51
The catapulla discharged huge arrows, either horizontally or with a slight elevation. The scorpio was a smaller weapon of a similar kind. The ballista threw large stones or beams at a considerable angle. Caesar had tormenta, but the Gauls with whom he fought probably did not have them.
The Navy. — Ships of war {naves longae) were long and nar- row. They were propelled chiefly by oars, though sails also were used. The trireme was the usual type of war-vessel. It The had three banks, or rows, of oars, one above another. The ships were steered by rudders (gubernaculd), huge paddles on either side of the stern. At the prow was the beak {rostrum), 3 piece of timber tipped with bronze or iron, projecting forward near the water-line or sometimes below it. The object of this was to ram the enemy's ship and sink it. Towers were often erected on deck and manned with soldiers in time of battle, and tormenta were used. The fighters were regular legionary soldiers temporarily on board. A favorite manceuver was to catch the enemy's ship with grappling-irons, let down a gang. way, and board the ship. The fighting then was hand-to-hauci JMst as in a land-battle.
52
INTRODUCTION
ther kinds Transports (naves onerariae) were wider and shorter than ■^^^ ships of war. Naves actuariae were vessels propelled by both
oars and sails. Navigia speculatoria were small, swift vessels used for reconnoitering. Some of tlie larger ships were com- pletely decked oveFj but many were open, or decked only at prow and stern.
Books for Reference and Reading
General Histories of Rome
Any standard history covering the period of Caesar's life may be consulted. The following are especially valuable ;
Appian : Roman History, translated by White.
Arnold : History of the Later Ro?nan Commonwealth,
DuRUY : History of Rome afid of the Roman People,
Ferrero : Greatness and Decline of Rome,
How- Leigh : History of Rome to the Death of Caesar,
Ihne : History of Rome.
LiDDELL : History of Rome to the Estalflishment of the Empire,
Long : Decline of the Roman Republic,
Merivale : Fall of the Roman Republic,
Merivale : General History of Rome,
Merivale : History of the Romans under the Empire,
MoMMSEN : History of Rome,
Peijiam : Outlines of Roman History.
Shuckburgh : History of Rome to the Battle of Actium,
Taylor : Constitutional and Political History of Rome,
Histories of Cojintries Other than Rome
Church : Story of Early Britain, GuizoT : History of France, Hug-Stead : Story of Sivitzerlaud.
BOOKS FOR REFERENCE AND READING 53
Montgomery : Leading Facts of French Histofy, ScARTH : Roman Britain. Taylor : History of Germany.
Biographies and Special Histories
Allcroft : The Making of the Monarchy,
Baring- Gould : The Tragedy of the Caesars.
BoissiER : Cicero and His Friends.
Caesar : Ciinl War, translated by Long.
De Quincey : The Caesars,
Dodge : Caesar.
Forsyth : Life of Marcus Tullius Cicero.
Fowler : Julius Caesar and the Foundation of the Roman Imperial System.
Froude : Caesar, a Sketch.
Holmes : Ancient Britain and the Invasions of fulius Caesar.
Holmes : Caesar^s Conquest of Gaul.
Liddell : Life of Julius Caesar.
Merivale : The Roman Triumvirates.
Napoleon III : History of Julius Caescr.
Oman : Seven Roman Statesmen of the Later Republic.
Plutarch : Lives of Illustrious Men : Caesar.
Sit^achan-Davidson : Cicero and the Fall of the Roman Republic.
Suetonius : Lives of the Twelve Caesars, translated by Thom- son and Forester.
Tacftus : Germania and Agricola, translated by Church and Brodribb.
Trollope : The Commentaries of Caesar.
Trollope : Life of Cicero,
Maps and Illiistratio7is
Baumeister : Bilder aus dem Griechischen und Romischen Altertum,
54
INTRODUCTION
GuRUTT : Ansthauungstafeln zu Caesars Bellum GalKcum.
Hill : Illustrations of School Classics,
Kampen : Quindecim ad Caesaris de Bello Gallico Commen-
tarios Tabulae, KiEPERT : Atlas Antiquus,
Oehler : Bilder-Atlas zu Caesars Biichern de Bello Gallico, Rheinhard : Album des Classischen Altertums, ScHREiBER : Atlas of Classical Antiquities,
Histories of Roman Literature
Browne : History of Roman Classical Literature, Cruttwell : History of Roman Literature, Mackail ; Latin Literature, SiMCOX : History of Latin Literature, Teuffel-Schwabe : History of Roman Literature,
Miscellaneous
Appach : C, Julius Caesar's British Expeditions, Chapman : Caesar and Pompey, Church : Roman Life in the Days of Cicero. Davis : A Friend of Caesar, Gow : Companion to School Classics, GuHL-KoNER : The Life of the Greeks and Romans. Harrington : Helps to the Intelligent Study of College Prepara- tory Latin, JuDSON : Caesar's Army, LuCAN : Pharsalia, translated by Ridley. MiDDLETON- Mills : Student's Companion to Latin Authors, Montesquieu : Grandeur and Decadence of the Romans. Scott: Portraitures of Julius Caesar, Skeley : Roman Imperialisin, Shakspere : fulius Caesar, Vine : Caesar in Kent, WiLLARD : Julius Caesar, an Historical Tragedy,
\ ^
BOOK I
The Geography of Gaul
I. Gallia est omnis divisa in partis tris ; quarum unam incolunt Belgae, aliam Aquitani, tertiam qui ipsorum lingua Celtae, nostra Galli appellantur. Hi omnes lingua, institiitis, legibus inter se differunt. Gallos ab Aquitanis Garunina flumen, a Belgis Matrona et Sequana dividit. Horum om- s nium fortissimi sunt Belgae, propterea quod a cultii atque humanitate provinciae longissime absunt, minimeque ad eos
jnercatores saepe commeant atque ea quae ad effeminandos animos pertinent important ; proximique sunt Germanis, qui trans Rhenum incolunt, quibiiscum continenter belluni gerunt. lo Qua de causa Helvetii quoque reliquos Gallo§ virtute prae- cedunt, quod fere cottidianis proeliis cum Germanis con- 'tendunt, cura aut suis finibus eos prohibent aut ipsi in eorum fimbus bellum gerunt. Eorum una pars, quam Gallos ob- tinSre dictum est, ijiitium capit a flumine Rhodano ; conti'netur 15
, Ganiinna flumine, Oceano, finibus Belgarum ; attingit etiam il> Sequanis et Helvetiis fliimen Rhenum ; vergit ad septem-
* tridnesj Belgae ab extremis Galliae finibus oriuntur, pertinent ad inferiorem partem fliiminis Rheni, spectant in septem- triSneiQ et orientem solem. Aquitania a Garumna flumine ad 20 F^enaeos montis et eam partem Oceani quae est ad His- piniam pertinet ; spectat inter occasum solis et septemtriones.
The Helvetian War
Tht Btlyetii, influenced by Orgetorix, prepare to migrate. Orgetoriz
forms a conspiracy.
«
II. Apud Helvetios longe nobilissimus fuit et ditissimus Oigetorix. Is M. Messala et M. Pisone consulibus i^^m
SS
56 THE GALLIC WAR I
cupiditate inductus coniiirationem nobilitatis fecit, et clyitati persuasit ut de finibus suTs cum omnibus copiis exirent; perfacile esse, cum virtute omnibus praestarenf, totius Galliae
, imperio potirl. Id hoc facilius iis persuasit, quod undique 5 loci natiira Helvetii continentur ; una ex parte flumine Rheno latissimo atque altissimo, qui agrum Helvetium a <jermanis. dividit ; altera ex parte monte liira altissimo, qui est inter Sequanos et Helvetios ; tertia lacu Lemanno et flum^rie Rhodano, qui provinciam nostram ab Helvetiis dividit. His
lo rebus flebat ut et minus late vagarentur et minus facile ftni- timls bellum Inferre possent ; qua ex parte homines bellandi cupidi magno dolore adficiebantur. Pro multitudine autem hominum et pro gloria belli atque fortitudinis angustos se finis habere arbitrabantur, qui in longitildinem milia passuum^ '
ISCCXL, in latitiidinem clxxx patebant.
III. His rebus adducti et auctoritate Orgetorigis permoti constituerunt ea quae ad proficlscendum pertinerent cora- parare, iumentorum et carrorum quam maximum numenim eoemere, sementis quam maximas facere, ut in iiinereiyccpia
20 frumenti suppeteret, cum proxin)is civitatibus paqeivi et toii- citiam confirmare. . Ad eas res conficiehdas bienVrntn sibi satis esse diixcrunt ; in tertium annum profcctionem leg^ confirmant. Orgetorix dux deligitur. Is sibi legation^ ad civitates suscipit. In eo itinere persuadet Casdco, Cataman-
25taloedis filio, Sequano, cuius pater regnum in Seq uanls jaultos annos obtinuerat et a senatii populi Roman! amicus appeUatii^ erat, ut regnum in civitate suii occuparet, quod pater ante
COINS OK ORGETORIX AND DUMNORIX
habuerat ; item que Dumnoritji llaeduo, fratrl Diviciici, qui
eo tempore principatum in civitate obtincbat ac maxine plebi
• ■
r.
I THE HELVETIAN WAR 57
acceptus erat, ut idem conaretur persuadet, eique flliam suam in matrimoni-rn dat. Perfacile factii esse illis probat conata perficere, propterea quod ipse suae civitatis imperium obt;en- turus esset; non -esse dubium quin totius Galliae plurimum Helvetii ppssent; se suis copiis suoque exercitu illls regna 3 conciliaturum confirmat. Hac oratione adducti inter se^dem et ius iurandum dant, et .regno occupato per tris potentissimos •' acYirmissimospopul5s totius Galliae sese potirl posse sperant.
Orgetorix is accused of treaBon; his death.
IV. Ea res est Helvetils per indicium enuntiata. Moribus suis Orgetorigem ex vinculis causam dicere coegerunt ; dam- 10 "natum poenam sequi oportebat ut Tgni cremaretur. Die CQOStituta causae dictidnis Orgetorix ad indicium omnem SKiam familiam, ad hominum milia decem, undique coegit, et omnis clientis obaeratosque suos, quorum, piagnum numerum habebat, eodem cpndiixit ; per eos ne causam diceret se 15 eripuit. Cum civitas ob eam rem incitata armis iiis suum exsequi. conaretur, multitudinemque hominum, ex agris magis- tratOs cogerent, prgetorix mortuus est ; neque abest suspicio, ut Helvetii arbitrantur, quin ipse sibi mortem consciverit.
. .. / ■ «
•% Preparations for migration go on. Routes by which 'the Helvetii
may leave their home.
V. Post eius mortem nihilo minus Helvetii id quod con-
Post eius mortem nihilo minus stftuerant facere conantur, ut e finibus suis exeant. Ubi iam se ad eam rem paratos esse arbitrati sunt, oppida sua omnia, numero ad duodecim, vicos ad quadringentos, reliqua privata aedificia incendunt; frumentum omne, practer quod sccum portaturi erant, comburunt, ut domum reditionis spe sul^latass paratiorcs ad omnia perlcula subeunda essent ; trium mensium moljt'a cibaria sibi quemque domo efferre iubent. Persuadcnt Rauracis et Tulingis et LatobrigTs flnitimis uti eodem iisi consilio, oppidis suis viclsque exiistis, lina cum iis proficTs- • cantur; Boiosque, qui trans Rhenum incoluerant et ii\ a^\w\\\ ->}::>
5? THE GALUC WAR ,1
Noricum transierant Noreiaiiique oppugnarant, receptos-nd se socios sibi aacisount. .-•■ -
VI. Erant omnino Itinera duo, quibus itineribus domo exire possent: unum per Sequanos, angustum et difficile,
sinter montem liiram et flumen Rhodanum, vix qua singull carri diiceVentur (mons autem alcissimus impendebat, ut facile perpauci prohibere possent); alterum per provinciam nos- tram, multo facilius atque
lo expeditius, propterea quod inter finis Helvetiorum et Allobrogum.quinuper pacati erant, Rhodanus fluit, ipqtie
■ noil niillis !ods vado trans- t^««t/:,
IS itur. Extremum oppidum Allobrogum est, proximumque Helvetiorum finibus,-Genava. Ex eo oppido pons ad Hel- velios pertinet. Allobrogibus sesp vel persuasuros, quod nondum bono animo in populum Romanum viderentur, ex- Istimabant vel vi coicliiros ut per suos finis eos Ire pate-
«c.rentur. Omnibus rebus ad prbfectionem comparatls diem. dtcunt, qua die ad ripam , Rhodani omnes conveniant. Is ' dies erat ante diem qulntum Kalendas AprilTs L. Pisone, A; Gabinio consulibus.
Caesar builds fortificatioi
from
VII. Caesari cum id nuntiatum esset, eos per provinciam ■>S nostram iter facere conari, mutiirat ab urbe proficTscI et quam
maxim IS potest itineribus in Galliam ulteriorem corifendif et ad Genavam pervenit. Provinciae toti quam maximum potest militum numerum imperat ferat omnino in (iallia ulteriore , Ifigio una), pontem qui erat ad Genavam iubet rescindi. Ubi 3ode eius adventiillelvelif cerliOres facti sunt, le^tos ad eum mittunt nobilissinios civitaLis, ciiius legationis Nammeius et Verucloetius principem locum obtinebant, qui.dicerent sibi
THE HELVETIAN WAR
59
e^sein animo sine ullo maleficio iter per provinciam facere, propterea quod aliud iter haberent nullum; rogare ut eius voluntate idsibi facere liceat. Caesar quod menioria tenebat t. Cassium consulem occisum exercitumque eius ab Helvetiis pulsum et sub iugum missum, concedcndum non putabat; 5 neq'ue homines inimlgo animo data facuiiate per provinciam itineris faciendi temperaturos ab injuria et- malcficiS existi- mabat. Tanien, ut.spatium intercedere pdssef dum mllites quos imperaverat conventrent, legalis respondit diem se ad deliberandum siimpturum ; si quid vellent, ad Idus ApriKs ic reverterentur.
VIII. Interea ea legione quamsecum habebat mllitibusque qui ex provincia convenerant a laou Leuianno, qui in fliimen Khodanum influit, ad montem luram, qui finis Sequanorum ab Helvetiis dividit, m.Ilia passuum xviiii murum.in ailltii-ij dinem pedum sedecim fpssamque perducit. Eo opere per- fects pcaes id I a disponit, castella communit, quo facilius, si se in\Ito transire conarentur, prohibere posset. Ubi ea t'ies
quam constituerat cum legatis venjt, et li'f^ti ad emn rever- terunt, negat se more et e.xeuiplo populi Komani pnssf iter 20 ulli per provinciam dare ; et sf vim facere conentur, prohi- biturum ostendJt. Hclvetii ea spe deitcti navibvis iunctis
6o THE GALLIC WAR ■ I
ratibusque compluribus factLs, alii vadis Rhodanl. qua minima altitydo fluminis erat, non nuniquam interdiu, sa,epius noctu, SI perrumpere possent conatl, operis munltione et mllitum concursu et tells repulsl hoc conatu destiterunt.
The Helvetii obtain permission to pass through the country of the Sequani. Caesar hurriedly raises an army.
5' IX. Relinqiiebatiir lina per Sequanos via, qua Sequams in- vTtls propter angustias Ire non poterant. His cum sua sponte persuadere non possent, legatos ad Dumnorigem Haeduum mittunt, ut eo deprecatore a Sequanis ibpetrarent. Dum- norix gratia et largitione apud Sequanos glurimum poterat,
loet Helvetiis erat amicus, quod /ex ea civitate Orgetorigis filiam in matrimonium diixerat ; et cupiditate regnl adductus noyis rebus studebat etquam plurimas civitates^uo.beneficio habere obstrictas volebat. Itaque rem suscipit, et a Sequanis im- petrat ut per finis suos llelvetios ire patiantur, obsidesque
15 uti inter sese dent perficit, — Sequani, ne itinerfe Helvetios
proliibeant ; Helvetii, ut sine maleficio et iniilria tran'seaht.
X. Caesarl nilntiatur Helvetiis esse in animo per agrum
. Sequanorum et Haeduorum iter in Santonum finis facere,
qui non longe a-Tolosatium finibus absunt, quae civitas est
20 in provincia. Id si fieret, intellegebat magno cum periculo provinciae futiirum ut homines bellicosos, populi Roman! inimicos, locis patentibus maximeque friimentarils finitimos haberet. Ob' eas causas el miinltionl quam fecerat T. Labie- . num legatum praeficit ; ipse in Italiam magnis itineribus
25 contendit duasque ibi legiones conscribit, et tris quae circum Aquileiam hiemabant ex hlbernis edilcit, et qua proximum iter in ulterioreni (xalliam per Alpis erat cum his quinque legionibus Ire contendit. Ibi C'eutrones et Graioceli eX Caturlges locis supcrioribus occupatis itinere exercituni pro-
3ohibere conantur. Compluribus his proelils pulsis, ab Ocelo, quod est oppidum citerioris provinciae extremum, in finis Vocontiorum ulterioris provinciae die septimo pervenit ; inde
I THE HELVETIAN WAR 6 1
in Allobrogum finis, ab Allobrogibus in Segiisiavos exercitum ducit. Hi sunt extra provinciam trans Rhodanum priml.
The Haedui, Ambarri, and AUobroges ask for help.
XI. Helvetii iam per angustias et finis Sequanorum suas copias tradnxerant et in Haeduorum finis pervenerant eo- rumque agros populabantur. Haedui cum se suaque ab iis 5 defendere non possent, legat5s ad Caesarem mittunt rogatum ailxilium : * Ita se omni tempore de populo Romano meritos esse ut paene in conspectu exercitus nostri agri vastarl, liberi in servitutem abdiici, oppida expugnari non debuerint.' Eodem tempore Ambarri, necessarii et consanguinel Haeduorum, 10 Caesarem certiorem faciunt sese depopulatis agris non facile ab oppidis vim hostium prohibere. Item AUobroges, qui trans Rhodanum vicos possessionesque habebant, fuga se ad Caesarem recipiunt et demonstrant sibi praeter agrI solum nihil esse reliqui. Quibus rebus adductus Caesar non ex- 15 spectandum sibi statuit dum omnibus fortunis sociorum con- siimptis in Santonos Helvetii pervenirent.
Part of the Helvetii cross the Arar. The Tigurini are cut to pieces
by Caesar.
XII. FlQmen est Arar, quod per finis Haeduorum et Se- quanorum in Rhodanum influit incredibili lenitate, ita ut oculis in utram partem fluat iiidicari non possit. Id Helvetii 20 ratibus ac lintribus iiinctis transibant. Ubi per exploratores Caesar certior factus est tris iam partis copiarum Hehetios id fliimen tradiixisse, quartam fere partem citra flumen Ararim reliquam esse, de tertia vigilia cum legion ibus tribus
e castris profectus ad eam partem pervenit quae nondum25 fliimien transierat. Eos impeditos et inopinantis adgressus magnam partem eorum concidit reliqui sese fugae mandarunt atque in proximas silvas abdiderunt. Is pagus appella- batur Tigurinus ; nam omnis civitas Helvetia in quattuor pagos divisa est. Hie pagus Unus, cum domo exisset, ^^t-^o
62 THE GALLIC WAR I
trum nostrorum memoria L. Cassium consulem interfecerat et eius exercitum sub iugum miserat. Ita sive casu sive consilio deorum immortalium, quae pars civitatis Helvetiae inslgnem calamitatem populo Romano intulerat, ea princeps 5 poenas persolvit. Qua in re Caesar non s5lum publicas sed etiam privatas iniurias ultus est, quod eius soceri L. Ks5nis avum, L. Pisonem legatuin, TigurinI eodem proeli5 quo Cassium interfecerant.
The Helvetii send an embassy to Caesar. His terms are rejected.
XIII. Hoc proelio facto, reliquas copias Helvetiorum ut loconsequi posset, pontem in Arari faciendum curat atque ita
exercitum traducit. Helvetii repentino eius adventu com- motl, cum id quod ipsi diebus xx aegerrime confecerant, ut flumen transTrent, ilium ilno die fecisse intellegerent, legatos ad eum mittunt ; cuius legationis Divico princeps fuit, qui
15 bello Cassiano dux Helvetiorum fuerat. Is ita cum Caesare egit : * SI pacem populus Romanus cum Helvetiis faceret, in eam partem ituros atque ibi futuros Helvetios ubi eos Caesar constituisset atque esse voluisset; sin bello persequi perse- veraret, reminisceretur et veteris incommodi populi Roman!
20 et pristinae virtiltis Helvetiorum. Quod improvlso unum pagum adortus esset, cum ii qui flumen translssent suis aux- ilium ferre non possent, ne ob eam rem aut suae magnopere virtuti tribueret aut ipsos despiceret. Se ita a patribus mai5ribusque suls didicisse ut magis virtute contenderent
25 quam dolo aut Tnsidils niterentur. Quare ne committeret ut is locus ubi constitissent ex calamitate populi Roman! et inter- necione exercitus nomen caperet aut memoriam proderet.'
XIV. His Caesar ita respondit: * Eo sibi minus dubita-. tionis darl, quod eas res quas legati Helvetii commemorassent
30 memoria teneret, atque eo gravius ferre quo minus merito populi RomanI accidissent ; qui si alicuius iniiiriae sibi con- scius fuisset, non fuisse difficile cavere, sed eo deceptum, quod neque commissum a se intellegeret quare timeret neque
I THE HELVETIAN WAR 63
sine causa timendum putaret. Quod si veteris contumeliae oblTvisci vellet, num etiam recenlium iniuriarum, quod eo invItS iter per provinciam per vim temptassent, quod Haeduos, quod Ambarros, quod Allobroges vexassent, memoriam de- p5nere posse ? Quod sua victoria tam insolenter gloriarentur s
quodque tam dm se impunc iniunas mtulisse admirarcntur 'eodem pertinere Consues>se enim deos immortal is quo gravius homines ex commutatione rerum doleant qi os pro sceiere eorum ulcisci velmt hjs sec mdiores mterduu"\ tes. e.t
64 THE GALLIC WAR I
diuturniorem impunitatem concedere. Cum ea ita sint, tamen si obsides ab ils sibi dentur, utT ea quae polliceantur facturos intellegat, et si Haeduls de iniuriis quas ipsis sociisque eorum intulerint, item si Allobrogibus satisfaciant, sese cum 5 iis pacem esse facturum.* Divico respondit : ' Ita Helvetios a maioribus suls Institutes esse uti obsides accipere, non dare consuerint ; eius rel populum Romanum esse testem.* Hoc response dato discessit.
A cavalry skirmish.
XV. Postero die castra ex eo loco movent. Idem facit K lo Caesar equitatumque omnem, ad numerum quattuor milium,
quern ex omnI provincia et Haeduls atque eorum socils coac- tum habebat, praemittit, qui videant quas in partis hostes iter faciant. Qui cupidius novissimum agmen Insecuti alieno loco cum equitatu Helvetiorum proelium committunt, et pauci de
isnostris cadunt. Quo proelio sublati Helvetil, quod quin- gentls equitibus tantam multitudinem equitum propulerant, audacius subsistere non numquam et novissimo agmine proelio nostros lacessere coeperunt. Caesar suos a proelio contine- bat ac satis habebat in praesentia hostem raplnis populatio-
2onibusque prohibere. Ita dies circiter xv iter fecerunt uti inter novissimum hostium agmen et nostrum primum n5n amplius quinls aut senis milibus passuum interesset.
The Haedui are slow in furnishing grain.
XVI. Interim cottidie Caesar Haeduos frumentum quod essent publice poUiciti flagitare. Nam propter frigora, quod
25 Gallia sub septemlrionibus, ut ante dictum est, posita est, non modo frumenta in agrls matura non erant, sed ne pabull quidem satis magna copia suppetebat ; eo autem frumento quod flumine Arari navibus subvexerat propterea uti minus poterat, quod iter ab Arari Helvetil averterant, a quibus dis-
30 cedere nolebat. Diem ex die ducere Haedui ; conferri, comportari, adesse dicere. Ubi se diutius dUcI intellexit et
I THE HELVETIAN WAR 65
diem instare quo die frumentum mllitibus metiri oporteret, convocatis eorum principibus, quorum magnam copiam in castris habebat, in his Diviciaco et Lisco, qui summo magis- tratui praeerat (quem vergobretum appellant HaeduT, qui creatur annuus et vitae necisque in suos habet potestatem), 5 graviter eos accusat quod, cum neque emi neque ex agris sumi possit, tam necessario tempore, tam propinquis hostibus ab iis non sublevetur, praesertim cum magna ex parte eorum precibus adductus bellum susceperit; multo etiam gravius quod sit destitutus queritur. 10
XVII. Tum demum Liscus oratione Caesaris adductus quod antea tacuerat proponit : * Esse non nullos quorum auc- toritas apud plebem plurimum valeat, qui privatim plus possint quam ipsi magistratus. Hos seditiosa atque improba oratione multitudinem deterrere ne frumentum conferant quod de-15 beant: Praestare, si iam prlncipatum Galliae obtinere non possint, Gallorum quam Romanorum imperia perferre, neque dubitare debere quin, si Helvetios superaverint RomanI, una cum reliqua Gallia Haeduis llbertatem sint erepturi. Ab isdem nostra consilia quaeque in castris gerantur hostibus 20 enuntiari ; hos a se coerceri non posse. Quin etiam, quod necessariam rem coactus Caesari eniintiarit, intellegere sese quanto id cum periculo fecerit, et ob eam causam quam diu potuerit tacuisse.'
Evidence of the treachery of Dmnnorix is presented to Caesar.
XVIII. Caesar hac oratione Lisci Dumnorigem, Diviciaci2s fratrem, designarl sentiebat, sed quod [)luribus praesentibus eas res iactari nolebat, celeriter concilium dimittit, Liscum retinet. Quaerit ex solo ea quae in conventu dixerat. Dicit liberius atque audacius. Eadem secreto ab alils quaerit; re- perit esse vera : * Ipsum esse Dumnorigem, summa audacia, 30 magna apud plebem propter liberalitatem gratia, cupidum rerum novarum. Compliiris annos portoria reliquaque omnia Haeduorum vectlgalia parvo pretio redempta habere, proptei^^.
F
66 THE GALLIC WAR I
quod illo licente contra liceri audeat nemo. His rebus et suam rem familiarem aiixisse et facultates ad largiendum magnas comparasse ; magnum numerum equitatus suo sumptu semper alere et circum se habere, neque s5lum domi sed
setiam apud finitimas clvitates largiter posse, atque huius potentiae causa matrem in Biturigibus homini illic uobilissimo ac potentissimo conlocasse ; ipsum ex Helvetiis uxorem habere, sororem ex matre et propinquas suas nuptum in alias civitates conlocasse. Favere et cupere Helvetiis propter eam
lo adf initatem, odisse etiam suo nomine Caesarem et Romanes, quod eorum adventii potentia eius deminilta et Diviciacus frater in antiquum locum gratiae atque honoris sit restitutus. ST quid accidat Romanis, summam in spem per Helvetios regni obtinendi venire ; imperio populi Roman! non modo de regno
15 sed etiam de ea quam habeat gratia desperare.* Reperiebat etiam in (luaerendo Caesar, quod proelium equestre adversum paucis ante diebus esset factum, initium fugae factum a Dum- norige atque eius equitibus (nam equitatui quem auxilio Caesari Haedui miserant Dumnorix praeerat) ; eorum fuga
2oreliquum esse equitatum perterritum.
XIX. Quibus rebus cognitis, cum ad has suspiciones cer- tissimae res accederent, quod per finis Sequanorum Helveti5s tradiixisset, quod obsides inter eos dandos ciirasset, quod ea omnia non modo iniussu suo et civitatis sed etiam Inscientibus
25 ipsis fecisset, quod a inagistratii Haeduorum accusaretur, satis esse causae arbitrabatur quare in eum aut ipse animadverteret aut civitatem animadvertere iu])eret. His omnibus rebus dnum repugnabat, (^uod Diviciaci fratris summum in populum R5- manum studium, summam in se voluntatem, egregiam fidem,
3oiustitiam, temperantiam cognoverat; nam ne eius supplicio Diviciaci animum offenderet verebatur. Itaque priusquam quicquam conaretur, Diviciacum ad se vocarl iubet, et cotti- dianls interpretibus remotis per C. Valerium Troucillum, prin- cipem Galliae pr5vinciae, familiarem suum, cui summam
35 omnium rerum fidem habebat, cum eo conloquitur ; simul com-
I THE HELVETIAN WAR 67
inonefacit quae ipso praesente in concilio Gallorum de Dum- norlge sint dicta et ostendit quae separatim quisque de eo apud se dixerit. Petit atque hortatur ut sine eius offensione animi vel ipse de eo causa cognita statuat vel civitatem statuere iubeat.
DiviciacuB intercedes for Dumnorix, and Caesar pardons him.
XX. Diviciacus raultis cum lacrimis Caesarem complexus 5 obsecrare coepit ne quid gravius in fratrem statueret : 'Scire se ilia esse vera, nee quemquam ex eo plus quam se dol5ris capere, propterea quod, cum ipse gratia plurimum domi atque in reliqua Gallia, ille minimum propter adulescentiam posset, per se crevisset ; quibus opibus ac nervis non solum ad minu- 10 endam gratiam sed paene ad perniciem suam uteretur. Sese tamen et aniore fraterno et existimatione vulgi commoveri. Quod si quid ei a Caesare gravius accidisset, cum ipse eum locum amicitiae apud eum teneret, neminem exislimaturum non sua voluntate factum ; qua ex re futurum uti t5tius Galliae 15 animi a se averterentur.' Haec cum pliiribus verbis flens a Caesare peteret, Caesar eius dextram prendit ; consolatus ro- gat finem orandf faciat; tanti eius apud se gratiam esse os- tendit uti et rel publicae iniiiriam et suum dolorem eius voluntati ac precibus condonet. Dumnorigem ad se vocat, 20 fratrem adhibet ; quae in eo reprehend at ostendit ; quae ipse intellegat, quae civitas queratur proponit ; monet ut in reliquum tempus omnis susplciones vitet; praeterita se Diviciaco fratri condonare dicit. Dumnorlgi ciistodes ponit, ut quae agat, quibuscum loquatur scire possit. 25
Caesar plans to attack the Helvetii; the fright of Considius.
XXI. Eodem die ab exploratoribus certior factus hostis sub monte consedisse milia passuum ab ipsius castris octo, qualis esset natura montis et qualis in circuitii ascensus qui cognos- cerent misit. Reniintiatum est facilem esse. De tertia vigilia T. Labienum, legatum pro praetore, cum duabus legionibus ets© iis ducibus qui iter cognoverant sunimum iugum montis a?»c^\v
68 THE GALUC WAR 1
dere iubet ; quid sui consili sit ostendit. Ipse de quarta vigilia eodem itinere quo hostes ierant ad eos contendit equitatunique omnem ante se mittit. P. Considius, qui rei mllitaris perltis- simus habebatur et in exercitu L. Sullae et postea in M. Crassi 5 fuerat, cum exploratoribus praemittitur.
XXII. Prima liice, cum summus mons a Labieno teneretur, ipse ab hostium castris non longius mllle et quingentis passibus abesset, neque, ut postea ex captivJs comperit, aut ipsius adventus aut Labieni cognitus esset, Considius equo admisso
lo ad eum accurrit, dicit montem quem a Labieno occupari volu- erit ab hostibus teneri ; id se a Gallicis armis atque insTgnibus cognovisse. Caesar suas copias in proximum collem subducit, aciem instruit. Labienus, ut erat ei praeceptum a Caesare ne proelium committeret nisi ipsTus copiae prope hostium castra
15 visae essent, ut undique iino. tempore in hostls impetus fieret, monte occupato nostros exspectabat proelioque abstinebat. Multo denique die per exploratores Caesar cognovit et montem a suis teneri et Helvetios castra movisse et Considium timore perterritum quod non vidisset pro viso sibi renuntiavisse. Eo
20 die quo consuerat intervallo hostis sequitur et milia passuum tria ab eorum castris castra ponit.
Caesar turns aside towards Bibracte ; the Helyetii follow.
XXIII. Postridie eius diei, quod omnino biduum supererat cum exercitu! friimentum metiri oporteret, et quod a Bibracte, oppido Haeduorum longe maximo et copiosissimo, non amplius
25 milibus passuum xviii aberat, rei frumentariae prospiciendum existimavit ; itaque iter ab Helvetiis avertit ac Bibracte ire con- tendit. Ea res per fugitives L. Aemili, decurionis equitum Gallorum, hostil)us niintiatur. Helvetii, sen quod timore per- territos Romanes discedere a se existimarent, eo magis quod
30 prldie superioribus locTs occupatTs proelium non commlsissent, sive eo, quod re friimentaria intercliidl posse confiderent, com- mutato consilio atque itinere converse nostros a novissimo agmine insequi ac lacessere coeperunt.
I THE HELVETIAN WAR 69
XXIV. Postquam id animum advertit, copias siias Caesar in proximum collem subduxit equitatumque qui sustineret hostium impetura mlsit. Ipse interim in colle medio triplicem aciem instruxit legionum quattuor veteranarum ; in summo iugo duas legiones quas in Gallia citeriore proxime conscripserat et omnia 5 auxilia conlocari ac totum montem hominibus complerJ, et interea 3arcinas in unum locum conferrl, et eum ab iis qui in superiore acie constiterant munlrl iussit. Helvetii cum omni- bus suls carris secuti impedimenta in unum locum contulerunt ; ipsi confertissima acie reiecto nostro equitatu, phalange facta 10 sub primam nostram aciem successerunt.
A battle takes place, in which the* Helvetii are defeated.
XXV. Caesar primum suo, deinde omnium ex conspectu re- motis equis, ut aequato omnium periculo spem fugae tolleret, cohortatus suos proelium commisit. Milites e loco superiore pills missis facile hostium phalangem perfregerunt. Eais disiecta gladiis destrictis in eos impetum fecerunt. GallTs magno ad pugnam erat impedimento quod pliiribus eorum scutls uno ictu pilorum transfixis et conligatis, cum ferrum se inflexis- set, neque evellere neque sinistra impedita satis commode pugnare poterant ; multi ut diu iactato bracchio praeoptarent 20 scutum manii emittere et nudo corpore pugnare. Tandem vulneribus defessi et pedem referre et, quod mons aberat circiter mille passiis, eo se recipere coeperunt. Capto monte et suc- cedentibus nostris Boii et Tulingi, qui hominum milibus circiter xv agmen hostium claudebant et novissimis praesidio 25 erant, ex itinere nostros ab latere aperto adgressi circumvenire, et id conspicati Helvetii, qui in montem sese receperant, rursus instare et proelium redintegrare coeperunt. Romani conversa signa bipartite intulerunt, prima et secunda acies ut victis ac submotis resisteret, tertia ut venientis sustineret. 30
XXVI. Ita ancipiti proelio diu atque acriter pugnatum est. Diutius cum sustinere nostrorum impetus non possent, alter! se, ut coeperant, in montem receperunt, alteri ad imped\meT\V^.
7c
THE GALLIC WAR
I
et caiT()s suos se contulerunt. Nam hoc toto prcelio, cum ah hora septima ad vesperum pugnatum sit, aversum
. hostem videre nemo potuit. Ad multam noctem etiam ad im- pedimenta pugnatum est, propterea quod pro vallo carros
5 obiecerant et e loco superiore in nostros venientls tela conicie- bant, et non nulll inter carros raedasque mataras ac tragulas
ROMAN MILES 1
TllK DEFEAT OF THE HELVETII
subiciebant nostrdsque vulnerabant. Diu cum esset pugnatum,
impedimentis (Mstrisquc nostri potiti sunt. Ibi Orgetorigis filia
at(iue iuius c filiis captus est. Ex eo proelio circiter hominum
louiilia (xxx sui)crfuerunt eaque tota nocte continenter ierunt
I THE HELVETIAN WAR 71
nullam partem noctis itinere intermiss5 ; in finis Lingonum die quarto pervenerunt, cum et propter vulnera militum et propter sepulturam occisonim nostri triduum morati eos sequi non potuissent. Caesar ad Lingones litteras nuntiosque misit ne e5s frumento neve alia re iuvarent : ' Qui si iiivissent, se eodem 5 loc5 qu5 Helve tios habitiirum.* Ipse triduo intermisso cum omnibus copiis eos sequi coepit.
The survivors surrender themselves to Caesar, who orders them to
return to their homes.
XXVII. Helvetii omnium rerum inopia adducti legates de dediti5ne ad eum miserunt. Qui cum eum in itinere conve- nissent seque ad pedes proiecissent suppliciterque lociiti 10 flentes pacem petlssent, atque eos in eo loco quo tum essent suum adventum exspectare iussisset, paruerunt. Eo postquam Caesar pervenit, obsides, arma, servos qui ad eos perfugissent poposcit. Dum ea conquiruntur et conferuntur, nocte intermissa circiter hominum milia sex eius pagi qui Ver- 15 bigenus appellatur, sive timore perterriti ne armis traditis sup- plicio adficerentur sive spe saliitis inducti, quod in tanta mul- titudine dediticiorum suam fugam aut occultari aut omnino ignorari posse existimarent, prima nocte e castris Helvetiorum egressi ad Rhenum finisque Germanorum contenderunt. 20
XXVIII. Quod ubi Caesar resciit, quorum per finis ierant, his uti conquirerent et reducerent, si sibi purgati esse vellent, imperavit; reductos in hostium numero habuit ; reliquos omnis obsidibus, armis, perfugis traditis in deditionem accepit. Hel- veti5s, Tulingos, Latobrigos in finis suos unde erant profecti 25 reverti iussit ; et quod omnibus frugibus amissis domi nihil erat quo famem tolerarent, Allobrogibus imperavit ut iis friimenti copiam facerent; ipsos oppida vicosque, quos incenderant, restituere iussit. Id ea maxime rati5ne fecit, quod n5luit eum locum unde Helvetii discesserant vacare, ne propter bonitatem 30 agrorum Germani, qui trans Rhenum incolunt, ex suis finibus in Helvetiorum finis transirent et finitimi Galliae pToVvwcXa.^
72 THE GALLIC WAR I
Allobrogibusque essent. Boios petentibus Haeduis, quod egregia virtute erant cogniti, ut in finibus suls conlocarent concessit; quibus ill! agros dederunt, quosque postea in parem iuris libertatisque condici5nera atque ipsi erant 5 receperunt.
The number of the Helvetii and their allies.
XXIX. In castrls Helvetiorum tabulae repertae sunt, litteris Graecis confectae, et ad Caesarem relatae, quibus in tabulis nominatim rati5 confecta erat, qui numerus domo exisset eorum qui arma ferre possent, et item separatim quot pueri,
losenes, mulieresque. Quarum omnium renim summa erat capitum Helvetiorum milium cclxiii, Tulingorum milium XXXVI, Latobrigorum xiiii, Rauracorum xxiii, Boiorum XXXII ; ex his, qui arma ferre possent ad mllia n5naginta duo. Summa omnium fuerunt ad mllia cccLXViii. Eorum
15 qui domum redienmt censu habito, ut Caesar imperaverat, re- pertus est numerus milium c et x.
The Campaign against Ariovistus
The Gauls congratulate Caesar.
XXX. Bello Helvetiorum confecto totlus fere Galliae legatT, principes civitatum, ad Caesarem gratulatum convenenint : *Intellegere sese, tametsi pro veteribus Helvetiorum iniuriis
aopopull Roman! ab his poenas bello repetisset, tamen earn rem non minus ex iisii Galliae quam populi Roman! accidisse, propterea quod eo c5nsilio florentissimis rebus domos suas Helveti! rellquissent, ut! tot! Galliae bellum inferrent imperio- que potirentur locumque domicilio ex magna copia deligerent
25 quem ex omni Gallia opportunissimum ac fructuosissimum iudi- cassent reliquasque civitates stipendiarias haberent.* Petienmt ut! sibi concilium totlus Galliae in diem certam indicere idque Caesaris voluntate facere liceret : *Sese habere quasdam res quas ex commiini consensu ab eo petere vellent.' Ea re per-
I THE CAMPAIGN AGAINST ARIOVISTUS 73
missa diem concili5 constituerunt et iure iurando ne quis enun- tiaret, nisi quibus communi consilio mandatum esset, inter se sanxerunt.
Diviciactts asks Caesar's help against Ariovistus and the Germans.
XXXI. E5 concilio dimisso idem principes civitatum qui ante fuerant ad Caesarem reverterunt, petieruntque uti sibi g secreto de sua omniumque salute cum eo agere liceret. Ea re impetrata sese omnes flentes Caesari ad pedes proiecerunt : 'N5n minus se id contendere et laborare, ne ea quae dixissent enuntiarentur, quam uti ea quae vellent impetrarent, propterea quod si enuntiatum esset, summum in cruciatum se venturos 10 viderent.' Locutus est pro his Diviciacus Haeduus : ' Galliae totius factiones esse duas ; harum alterius principatum tenere Haeduos, alterius Arvernos. Hi cum tantopere de potentatu inter se multos annos contenderent, factum esse uti ab Ar- vernis Sequanisque Germani mercede arcesserentur. Horum 15 primo circiter milia xv Rhenum transisse ; posteaquam agros et cultum et copias Gallorum homines feri ac barbari adamas- sent, traductos pliiris ; nunc esse in Gallia ad c et xx milium numerum. Cum his Haeduos eorumque clientis semel atque iterum armis contendisse ; magnam calamitatem pulsos ac- 20 cepisse, omriem nobilitatem, omnem senatum, omnem equi- tatum amisisse. Quibus proeliis calamitatibusque fractos, qui et sua virtiite et populi Romani hospitio atque amicitia pliiri- mum ante in Gallia potuissent, coactos esse Sequanis obsides dare nobilissimos civitatis, et iure iiirando civitatem obstringere 25 sese neque obsides repetitiiros neque auxilium a populo Ro- mano imploraturos neque reciisatiiros quominus perpetuo sub ill5rum dicione atque imperio essent. Unum se esse ex omni civitate Haeduorum qui addiici non potuerit ut iuraret aut liberos suos obsides daret. Ob earn rem se ex civitate pro- 30 fugisse, et Romam ad senatum venisse auxilium postulatum, quod solus neque iiire iiirando neque obsidibus teneretur. Sed peius victoribus Sequanis quam Haeduis victis accidisse, pro^
74 THE GALLIC WAR 1
terea quod Ariovistus, rex Germanorum, in eorum finibus con- sedisset tertiamque partem agri Sequani, qui esset optimus t5tius Galliae, occupavisset, et nunc de altera parte tertia SequanSs decedere iuberet, propterea quod paucis raensibus 5 ante Harudum milia hominum xxiiii ad eum venissent, quibus locus ac sedes pararentur. Futurum esse paucis annis uti omnes ex Galliae finibus pellerentur, atque omnes German! Rhenum transirent ; neque enim conferendum esse Gallicum cum Germanorum agro neque banc c5nsuetudinem victus
locum ilia comparandam. Ariovistum autem, ut semel. Galloram copias proelio vicerit, quod proelium factum sit ad Mageto- brigam, superbe et criideliter imperare, obsides nobilissimi ciiiusque liberos poscere, et in eos omnia exempla cruciatusque edere, si qua res non ad nutum aut ad voluntatem eius facta
15 sit. Hominem esse barbarum, Iracundum, temerarium ; non posse eius imperia diutius sustinerl. Nisi quid in Caesare populoque R5mano sit auxill, omnibus Gallis idem esse facien- dum quod Helvetil fecerint, ut domo emigrent, aliud domici- lium, alias sedls remotas a Germanis petant, fortunamque
2oquaecumque accidat experiantur. Haec si enuntiata Ario- visto sint, non dubitare quin de omnibus obsidibus qui apud eum sint gravissimum supplicium sumat. Caesarem vel aucto- ritate sua atque exercitus vel recentl victoria vel nomine popuH Roman! deterrere posse ne maior multitiido Germanorum
25 Rhenum traducatur, Galliamque omnem ab Ariovisti iniiiria posse defendere.'
Caesar determines to aid the Gauls.
XXXn. Hac oratione ab Diviciaco habita omnes qui aderant magno fletu auxilium a Caesare petere coeperunt. Animadvertit Caesar unos ex omnibus Sequanos nihil earum sorerum facere quas ceteri facerent, sed tristis capite demisso terram intueri. Eius re! quae causa esset miratus ex ipsis quaesiit. Nihil Sequan! respondere, sed in eadem tiistitia tacit! permanere. Cum ab his saepius quaereret neque uUam
I THE CAMPAIGN AGAINST ARIOVISTUS 75
omnino vocem exprimere posset, Idem Diviciacus Haeduus respondit : * Hoc esse miseri5rem et graviorem fortunam Se- quan5rum quam reliqu5rum, quod s5ll ne in occulto quidem queri neque auxilium implorare auderent, absentisque Ariovisti crudelitatem, velut si coram adesset, horrerent, propterea quod 5 reliquis tamen fugae facultas daretur, Sequanis vero, qui intra finis suos Ariovistum recepissent, quorum oppida omnia in po- testate eius essent, omnes cruciatus essent perferendL'
XXXIII. His rebus cognitis Caesar Gallorum anim5s verbis confirmavit pollicitusque est sibi eam rem curae futuram : lo ' Magnam se habere spem et beneficio suo et auctoritate ad- ductum Ariovistum finem iniuriis facturum.* Hac oratione habita concilium dimisit. Et secundum ea multae res eum hortabantur quare sibi eam rem cogitandam et suscipiendam putaret, in primis quod Haeduos, fratres consanguineosque 15 saepenumero a senatu appellatos, in servitute atque in dicione videbat Germanorum teneri, eorumque obsides esse apud Ariovistum ac Sequanos intellegebat ; quod in tanto imperio populi Roman! turpissimum sibi et rei publicae esse arbitra- batur. j Paulatim autem Germanos consuescere Rhenum trans- 20 Ire et in Galliam magnam eorum multitudinem venire populo R5mano perlcul5sum videbat, neque sibi homines feros ac barbaros temperatures existimabat quin, cum omnem Galliam occupavissent, ut ante Cimbri Teutonlque fecissent, in provin- ciam exirent atque inde in Italiam contenderent, praesertim 25 cum Sequanos a provincia nostra Rhpdanus divideret ; quibus rebus quam maturrime occurrendum putabat. Ipse autem Ariovistus tantos sibi spiritus, tantam adrogantiam sumpserat ut ferendus non videretur.
He sends an embassy to Ariovistus, who returns an insolent reply.
XXXIV. Quam ob rem placuit ei ut ad Ariovistum legatosso mitteret, qui ab eo postularent uti aliquem locum medium utriusque conloquio deligeret : *Velle sese de re publica et sum mis utriusque rebus cum eo age re.' Ei legation! ^T\o\\sXwSk
76 THE GALLIC WAR I
respondit : ' Si quid ipsi a Caesare opus esset, sese ad euro venturum fuisse ; sT quid ille se velit, ilium ad se venire opor- tere. Praeterea se neque sine exercitu in eas partis Galliae venire audere quas Caesar possideret neque exercitum sine smagno commeatii atque molimento in iinum locum contrahere posse. Sibi autem mlrum videri quid in sua Gallia, quam bell5 vTcisset, aut CaesarT aut omnino populo Romano negoti asset.'
A second embassy and a second reply.
XXXV. His responsis ad Caesarem relati^ iterum ad eum Caesar legates cum his mandatis mittit : * Quoniam tanto suo
lopopulique Roman! beneficio adfectus, cum in consulatu suo rex atque amicus a senatu appellatus esset, hanc sibi populoque Romano gratiam referret, ut in conloquium venire invitatus gravaretur neque de communi re discendum sibi et cognos- cendum putaret, haec esse quae ab eo postularet : primum, ne
15 quam multitudinem hominum amplius trans Rhenum in Galliam traduceret ; deinde, obsides quos haberet ab Haeduls redderet, Sequanisque permitteret ut quos illl haberent voluntate eius reddere illis liceret ; neve Haeduos iniuria lacesseret neve his sociisque eorum bellum Inferret. Si ita fecisset, sibi populoque
20 Romano perpetuam gratiam atque amicitiam cum eo futuram; si non impetraret, sese, quoniam M. Messala, M. Pisone con- sulibus senatus censuisset uti quicumque Galliam provinciam obtineret, quod commodo rei publicae facere posset, Haeduos ceter5sque amicos populi RomanI defenderet, se Haeduorum
25iniurias non neglecturum.'
XXXVL Ad haec Ariovistus respondit : ' lus esse belli ut qui vicissent iis quos vicissent quem ad modum vellent imperarent. Item populum Romanum victis non ad alterius praescriptum, sed ad suum arbitrium imperare consuesse. Si ipse populo
30 Romano non praescriberet quem ad modum suo iure uteretur, non oportere se a populo Romano in suo iiire impedlrl. Hae- duos sibi, quoniam belli fortunam temptassent et armis congress! ac superati essent, stlpendiari5s esse factos. Magnam Caesarem
I THE CAMPAIGN AGAINST ARIOVISTUS 77
iniuriam facere, qui suo adventu vectlgalia sibi deteriora faceret. Haeduis se obsides redditurum non esse, neque his neque eonim sociis iniuria bellum inlaturum, si in eo manerent quod convenisset stipendiumque quotannis penderent; si id non fecissent, longe ils fraternum nomen populi R5mani afuturum. 5 Quod sibi Caesar denuntiaret se Haeduorum iniurias non neg- lecturum, neminem secum sine sua pernicie contendisse. Cum vellet, congrederetur ; intellecturum quid invicti German!, exer- citatissimi in armis, qui inter annos xiiii tectum non subissent, virtiite possent/ . *^io
The Gauls complain of new hardships. Caesar hastens to Vesontio.
XXXVII. Haec e5dem tempore Caesari mandata refere- bantur et legati ab Haeduis et a Treveris veniebant, — Haedui questum quod Harudes, qui nuper in Galliam transportati essent, finis eorum popularentur ; sese ne obsidibus quidem datis pacem Ariovisti redimere potuisse ; Treverl autem, pagos 15
centum Sueborum ad ripas Rheni consedisse, qui Rhenum transire conarentur ; his prae- esse Nasuam et Cimberium fratres. Quibus rebus Caesar 20 vehementer commotus matu- randum sibi existimavit, ne, si nova manus Sueborum cum veteribus c5piis Ariovisti sese coniunxisset, minus facile re- 25 sisti posset. Itaque re frumen- taria quam celerrime potuit comparata magnis itineribus ad Ariovistum contendit.
XXXVIII. Cum tridul viam processisset, nuntiatum est ei3o Ariovistum cum suls omnibus copiis ad occupandum Veson- ti5nera, quod est oppidum maximum Sequanorum, contendere, tridulque viam a suis finibus processisse. Id ne accideret
PLAN OF VESONTIO
78 THE GALLIC WAR I
magnopere sibi praecavendum Caesar existimabat. Namque omnium rerum quae ad helium usui erant summa erat in eo oppidd facultas, idemque natiira loci sic muniebatur ut magnam ad ducendum bellum daret facultatem, propterea quod flumen
sDubis ut circino circnmductum paene t5tum oppidum cingit, reliquum spatium, quod est n5n amplius pedum sescentorum, qua flumen intermittit, m5ns continet magna altitudine, ita ut radices eius montis ex utraque parte ripae fluminis contingant Hunc mums circumdatus arcem efficit et cum oppido coniungit.
loHuc Caesar magnis nocturnis diurnlsque itineribus contendit occupatoque oppido ibi praesidium conlocat.
A panic seizes the soldiers.
XXXIX. Dum pauc5s dies ad Vesontionem rei frumentariae commeatusque causa moratur, ex percontati5ne nostrorum vocibusque Gall5rum ac mercatorum, qui ingenti magnitudine
15 corporum Germanos, incredibili virtute atque exercitatione in armis esse praedicabant (saepenumero sese cum his congress5s ne vultum quidem atque aciem oculorum dicebant ferre potuisse), tantus subit5 timor omnem exercitum occupavit ut non mediocriter omnium mentis animosque perturbaret. Hic
20 primum ortus est a tribunis mllitum, praefectis, reliquisque qui • ex urbe amicitiae causa Caesarem secuti non magnum.in re mili- tari usum habebant; quorum alius alia causa inlatayquam sibi ad proficiscendum necessariam esse diceret, petebat ut eius vo- luntate discedere liceret ; non nuUi pudore adducti, ut tim5ris sus-
25 pfcionem vltarent, remanebant. HI neque vultum fingere neque interdum lacrimas tenere poterant ; abditi in tabernaculis aut suum fatum querebantur aut cum familiaribus suls commune peri- culum miserabantur. Vulgo totis castrls testamenta obsignaban- tur. Horum vocibus ac timore paulatim etiam ii qui magnum in
3ocastrTs usum habebant, milites centurionesque quique equitatui praeerant, perturbabantur. Qui se ex his minus timidos ex- istimari volebant, non se hostem vererT, sed angustias itineris et ma^nitudinem silvarum quae intercederent inter ips5s atque
I THE CAMPAIGN AGAINST ARIOVISTUS 79
Ariovistum, aut rem frumentariam, ut satis commode supportari posset, timere dlcebant. Non nulll etiam Caesarl nuntiabant, cum castra mover! ac signa ferri iussisset, non fore dict5 audientis milites neque propter timorem sIgna laturos.
Caesar quiets their fears by a remarkable speech.
XL. Haec cum animadvertisset, convocat5 consilio cm- 5 niumque ordinum ad id c5nsilium adhibitis centurionibus vehe- menter e5s incusavit : primum, quod aut quam in partem aut quo consilio ddcerentur sibi quaerendum aut cogitandum putarent. 'Ariovistum se c5nsule cupidissime popull RomanI amicitiam appetisse ; cur hunc tam temere quisquam ab officio 10 discessurum iudicaret? Sibi quidem persuader! cognit!s su!s postulatis atque aequitate condici5num perspecta eum neque suam neque popul! Roman! gratiam repudiaturum. Quod s! furore atque amentia impulsus bellum intulisset, quid tan- dem veterenftir? Aut cur de sua virtute aut de ipsius d!ligentia 15 desperarent? Factum eius hostis per!culum patrum nostrorum raemoria, cum Cimbt!s et Teutoms a C. Mario puls!s non minorem laudem exercitus quam ipse imperator meritus vide- batur ; factum etiam nuper in Italia serv!li tumultu, quos tamen aliquid usus ac discipUna quam a nobis accepissent sublevarent. 20 Ex qu5 iudicar! posse quantum haberet in se bom constantia, propterea quod qu5s aliquamdiii inerm!s sine causa timuissent, h5s postea annatos ac victores superassent. Denique hos esse eosdem Germanos quibuscum saepenumero Helvetii congress! n5n solum in su!s sed etiam in illorum finibus plerumque 25 superarint ; qui tamen pares esse nostro exercitui non potuerint. S! quos adversum proelium et fuga Gall5rum commoveret, hos, si quaererent, reperire posse diuturnitate bell! defat!gat!s GalUs Ariovistum, cum multos mensis castr!s se ac paludibus tenuisset neque sui potestatem fecisset, desperantis iam de pugna etso disperses subito adortum magis ratione et c5nsilio quam vir- tute vicisse. Cui ration! contra homines barbaros atque imperitos locus fuisset, hac ne ipsum quidem sperate yvo'5»\.\c>'5»
8o THE GALLIC WAR I
exercitus cap! posse. Qui suum timorem in rei frumentariae simulationem angnstiasque itineris conferrent, facere adrogan- ter, cum aut de officio imperatoris desperare aut praescribere viderentur. Haec sibi esse ciirae ; frumentura Sequanos,
5 Leucos, Lingones subministrare, iamque esse in agris frumen- ta matura; de itinere ipsos brevi tempore iiidicaturos. Quod non fore dictd audientes necjue signa latiirl dicantur, nihil se ea re commoveri ; scire enim quibuscumque exercitus dicto audiens non fuerit, aut male re gesta fortunam defuisse aut aliquo
lofacinore comperto avaritiam esse convictam. Suam inno- centiam perpetua vita, fcllcitatem Helve tiorum bello esse per- spectam. Itaque se quod in longiorem diem conlatunis fuisset repraesentaturum, et proxima nocte de quarta vigilia castra moturum, ut quam primum intellegere posset utrum apud eos
ispudor atque officium an timor pliis valeret. Quod si praeterea nemo sequatur, tamen se cum sola decima legi5ne iturum, de qua non dubitaret, sibique eam praetoriam cohortem fiituran).' Huic legioni Caesar et indulserat praecipue et propter virtutem c5nfidebat maxime.
The army moves toward Ariovistus.
20 XLL Hac oratione habita mirum in modum conversae sunt omnium mentes, summaque alacritas et cupiditas belli gerendi inlata est, princepsque decima legio per tribunos mllitum ei gratias egit quod de se optimum iudicium fecisset, seque esse ad bellum gerendum paratissimam confirmavit. Deinde reliquae
25 legiones cum tribunis mllitum et primorum ordinum centurioni- busegerunt utT Caesari satisfacerent : 'Se neque umquam dubi- tasse neque timuisse necpe de summa belli suum iudicium, sed imperatoris esse existimavisse.' Eorum satisfactione accepta et itinere exquTsito per Diviciacum, quod ex Gallis ei maximam
30 fidem habebat, ut milium amplius l circuitu locis apertis exerci- tum diiceret, de quarta vigilia, ut dixerat, profectus est. Sep- timo die, cum iter n5n intermitteret, ab exploratoribus certior fac- tus est Ariovisti copias a nostris milia passuum iiii et xx abesse.
THE CAMPAIGN AGAINST ARIOVISTUS
Hegotlations between Caesai and AiioTJstu*.
XI.II, Cognito Caeaaris advents Ariovistus legates ad eum
mittit : ' Quod antea de conloquio postulasset, id per se fieri
licere, quotiiam propius accessisset seque id sine periculo
facere posse existimaret.' Non respuit condicionem Caesar,
._ ianique eum ad sliiiitatem 5
ijj reverti arbilrabatur, cum id \Vi quod antea petenti dene^- set ullro polliceretur ; mag- namque in spem veniebat pro suis tantis populique RomanT lo in eum beneficiis, cognitis suis postulatis, fore uti pertinacia desisteret Dies conloquio dictus est ex eo die qumtus Interim saepe cum legati 15 ultro citroque inter eos met terentur, Ariovistus posCulavit ne quem peditem ad conlo quium Caesar adduce ret
\ereri se ne per mbidias ah 20 eo circumveniretur uterqiie cum equitatii vemret , ali i ratione sese non esse veil tiirum Caesar quod neque conloqumm interposita causa 25 tolli vole bat neque saliitem su'im G'illorum equitatui com mittere audebat, commodissi mum esse statu it omnibus equis Gallis equitibus detractis 30 eo legionanos milites legionis dectmae cm quam maxinie con fidebat imponere «t praesidium quam araicissimum, si quid opus facto esset habere! Quod cum fieret non inridicule quidam ex militibus decimae legionis dixit pliis quam polhcitu&
ENACR'SPVSMlLECVm AVGANXLSTl'XXlFFC'
0- .C- 1
10m)
82 THE GALLIC WAR I
esset Caesarem facere ; pollicitum se in cohortis praet5riae loco decimam legionem habiturum ad equum rescribere.
A conference is held, in which Caesar makes demands of Arioyistus.
XLin. Planities erat magna et in .ea tumulus terrenus satis grandis. Hic locus aequum fere spatium a castris AriovistI et
5 Caesaris aberat. E5, ut erat dictum, ad conloquium venerunt. Legionem Caesar quam equis devexerat passibus ducentis ab eo tumulo constituit. Item equites AriovistI pari intervallo constiterunt. Ariovistus ex equis ut conloquerentur et praeter se denos ad conloquium adducerent postulavit. Ubi eo ven-
10 turn est, Caesar initi5 orationis sua senatusque in eum beneficia commemoravit, quod rex appellatus esset a senatu, quod amicus, quod miinera amplissima missa; quam rem et paucis contigisse et pro magnis hominum officiis consuesse tribal do- cebat; ilium, cum neque aditum neque causam postulandi
IS iustam haberet, beneficio ac llberalitate sua ac senatus ea prae- mia consecutum. Docebat etiam quam veteres quamque iustae causae necessitudinis ipsis cum Haeduls intercederent ; quae senatus consulta, quotiens, quamque honorifica in eos facta essent; ut omnI tempore totlus Galliae principatum Haedui
2o tenuissent, prius etiam quam nostram amlcitiam appetissent *Populi Roman! hanc esse consuetudinem, ut socios atque* amicos non modo sui nihil deperdere sed gratia, dignitate, honore auctiores vellet esse; quod vero ad amlcitiam popull Roman! attulissent, id i!s erip! quis pat! posset ? * Postulavit
25 deinde eadem quae legat!s in mandat!s dederat : ne aut Haedms aut eorum sociis bellum Inferret, obsides redderet : si nullam partem Gerinanorum domum remittere posset, at ne quos amplius Rhenum trans!re pateretur.
Arioyistus rejects Caesar's demands and makes others in his torn, which
Caesar rejects.
XLIV. Ariovistus ad postulata Caesaris pauca respondit, de 30 suls virtiitibus multa praedicavit : * Transisse Rhenum sese n5n
I THE CAMPAIGN AGAINST ARIOVISTUS 83
sua sponte, sed rogatum et arcessltum a Gallls; non sine magna spe magnlsque praemiis domum propinqu5sque reli- quisse; sedis habere in Gallia ab ipsis concessas, obsides ipsoruni voluntate datos; stTpendium capere iure belli, quod victores victis imponere consuerint. N5n sese Gallls, sed 5 Gallos sibi bellum intulisse ; omnis Galliae civitates ad se op- pugnandum venisse ac contra se castra habuisse ; eas omnIs copias a se uno proelio pulsas ac superatas esse. Si iterum ex- periri velint, se iterum paratum esse decertare ; si pace iitl velint, iniquum esse de stlpendio recusare, quod sua voluntate 10 ad id tempus pependerint.
' Amicitiam popull Roman! sibi ornamento et praesidio, non detrimento esse oportere, atque se hac spe petlsse. SI per populura Romanum stTpendium remittitur et deditlcii subtra- hantur, non minus libenter sese recusaturum populi Roman! 15 amicitiam quam appetierit. Quod multitiidinem Germanorum in Galliam traducat, id se su! muniendi, non Galliae oppug- nandae causa facere ; eius re! testimonium esse quod nisi rogatus non venerit, et quod bellum non intulerit, sed defen- derit. 20
m
*Se prius in Galliam venisse quam populum Romanum. Numquam ante hoc tempus exercitum populi Roman! Galliae provinciae finibus egressum. Quid sibi vellet? Cur in suas possessiones venlret ? Provinciam suam banc esse Galliam, sicut illara nostrara. Ut ipsi concedi non oporteret, si in nostros 25 finis impetum faceret, sic' item nos esse inlquos, quod in suo iure se interpellaremus. Quod fratres a senatu Haeduos appel- latos diceret, n5n se tarn barbarum neque tam imperitum esse rerum ut non sclret neque bello AUobrogum proximo Haeduos R5manis auxilium tulisse neque ipsos in his contentionibus 30 quas Haedui secum et cum Sequanis habuissent auxilio populi R5niani iisos esse. Debere se suspicari simulata Caesarem amicitia, quern exercitum in Gallia habeat, sui opprimendi causa habere. Qui nisi decedat atque exercitum dediicat ex his regionibus, sese ilium non pro amico, sed pro ho^t^'iS
84 THE GALUC WAR I
habiturum. Quod sT eum interfecerit, multis sese nobilibus principibusque popull Roman! gratiim esse facturum (id se ab ipsis per e5rum nuntios compertum habere), quorum omnium gratiam atque amicitiam eius morte redimere posset. 5 Quod si decessisset et liberam possessionem Galliae sibi tradi- disset, magno se ilium praemio remuneraturum, et quaecumque bella gerl vellet sine ullo eius labore et periculo confec- turum.' XLV. Multa a Caesare in earn sententiam dicta sunt, quare
lo negoti5 desistere non posset : ' Neque suam neque populi Roman! consuetudinem pati uti optime meritos socios desereret, neque se iudicare Galliam potius esse Ariovist! quam popul! Roman!. Bello superatos esse Arvernos et Rutenos a Q. Fabio Maximo, quibus populus Romanus ignovisset neque in
IS pr5vinciam redegisset neque stipendium imposuisset. Quod si antiquissimum quodque tempus spectar! oporteret, popull Ro- man! iustissimum esse in Gallia imperium ; s! iudicium senatus observar! oporteret, liberam debere esse Galliam, quam bello victam suis legibus iiti voluisset.'
The conference is broken off by signs of bad faith on the part of the
Germans.
20 XLVI. Dum haec in conloquio geruntur, Caesari nuntiatum est equites AriovistI propius tumulum accedere et ad nostros adequitare, lapides telaque in nostros conicere. Caesar lo- quendi f inem fecit seque ad su5s recepit, suisque imperavit ne quod omnino telum in hostis reicerent. Nam etsi sine iillo
25 pericul5 legionis delectae cum equitatii proelium fore videbat, tamen committendum non putabat >iit pulsis hostibus die! posset eos ab se per fidem in conloquio circumventos. Posteaquam in vulgus militum elatum est qua adrogantia in conloquio Ario- vistus usus omni Gallia Romanis interdixisset, impetumque ut
30 in nostros eius equites fecissent, eaque res conloquium dire- misset, multo maior alacritas studiumque pugnandi maius exer- citui iniectum est.
I THE CAMPAIGN AGAINST ARIOVISTUS 85
Ariovistus wishes to renew negotiations, but casts into chains envoys
whom Caesar sends.
XLVII. Bldu5 post Ariovistus ad Caesarem legates misit : * Velle se de iis rebus quae inter eos agi coeptae neque perfectae essent agere cum eo ; uti aut iterum conloquio diem constitueret aut, si id minus vellet, ex suis legatls aliquem ad se mitteret.' Conloquendi Caesari causa visa non est, et eo magis quod 5 pridie eius diei German! retineri non potuerant quin tela in nostros conicerent. Legatum ex suis sese magno cum perlcul5 ad eum missurum et hominibus feris obiecturum existimabat. Commodissimum visum est C. Valerium Procillum, C. Valeri Caburi filium, summa virtute et humanitate adulescentem, cuius 10 pater a C. Valerio Flacc5 civitate donatus erat, et propter fidem et propter linguae Gallicae scientiam, qua multa iam Ariovistus longinqua consuetudine utebatur, et quod in eo peccandi Ger- manls causa non esset, ad eum mittere, et una M. Metium, qui hospiti5 AriovistI utebatur. His mandavit ut quae diceretis Ariovistus cognoscerent et ad se referrent. Qu5s cum apud se in castris Ariovistus conspexisset, exercitu suo praesente concla- mavit : * Quid ad se venirent ? An speculandi causa ? ' Conantis dicere prohibuit et in catenas coniecit.
Caesar tries in vain to induce Ariovistus to fight.
XLVIII. Eodem die castra promovit et mllibus passuum sex 20 a Caesaris castris sub monte consedit. Postiidie eius diei praeter castra Caesaris suas copias traduxit et mllibus passuum du5bus ultra eum castra fecit eo consilio, uti friimento com- meatiique, qui ex SequanTs et Haeduis supportaretur, Caesarem intercliideret. Ex eo die dies continues quinque Caesar proas castris suas c5pias prodiixit et aciem instriictam habuit, ut si vellet Ariovistus proelio contendere, el potestas non deesset. Ariovistus his omnibus diebus exercitum castris continuit, eques- tri proelio cottldie contendit. Genus hoc erat pugnae quo se German! exercuerant. Equitum milia erant sex, totidem numero 30 pedites velocissimi ac fortissimi, quos ex omnv eb^\a. ^m^jaJ^
86 THE GALLIC WAR I
singulos suae salutis causa delegerant; cum his in proeliis versabantur, ad cos se equites recipiebant. HI, si quid erat durius, conCurrebant ; si qui graviore vulnere accepto equo deciderat, circumsistebant ; si quo erat longius prodeundum 5aut celerius recipiendum, tanta erat horum exercitati5ne cele- ritas ut iubis sublevati equorum cursum adaequarent.
XLIX. Ubi eum castris se tenere Caesar intellexit, ne diutius commeatu prohiberetur, ultra eum locum quo in loc5 German! consederant circiter passus sescentds ab his castris idoneum
lo locum delegit, acieque triplici instructs ad eum locum venit. Primam et secundam aciem in armis esse, tertiam castra munire iussit. Hie locus ab hoste circiter passus sescent5s, uti dictum est, aberat. E6 circiter hominum xvi milia expedita cum omni equitatii Ariovistus misit, quae copiae nostr5s terrerent
IS et munitione prohiberent. Nihilo setius Caesar, ut ante con- stituerat, duas acies hostem propulsare, tertiam opus perficere iussit. Munitis castris duas ibi legiones reliquit et partem auxiliorum, quattuor reliquas in castra maiora rediixit.
Fighting at last begins.
L. Proximo die institut5 suo Caesar ex castris utrisque 2oc6pias suas eduxit, paulumque a maioribus castris progressus aciem instruxit hostibusque pugnandi potestatem fecit. Ubi ne turn quidem eos prodire intellexit, circiter meridie exercitum in castra reduxit. Turn demum Ariovistus partem suarum co- piarum, quae castra minora oppugnaret, misit. Jcriter utrim- 25 que usque ad vesperum pugnatum est. Solis occasii suas co- pias Ariovistus multis et inlatis et acceptis vulneribus in castra reduxit. Cum ex captivis quaereret Caesar quam ob rem Ariovistus proelio non decertaret, banc reperiebat causam, quod apud Germanos ea consuetudo esset, ut matres familiae eorum 3osortibus et vaticinationibus declararent utrum proelium com- mitti ex usu esset necne ; eas ita dicere : ' N5n esse fas Ger- manos superare si ante novam lunam proeli5 contendis- sent.'
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88 THE GALLIC WAR I
A decisive battle. The Germans aze defeated, and those who sazvive
the battle flee across the Rhine.
LI. Postridie eius diei Caesar praesidio utrisque castfis quod satis esse visum est rellquit, alarios omnis in couspectii hostium pro castris minoribus constituit, quod minus multitudine mlli- tum legionariorum pro hostium numero valebat, ut ad speciem
salariis uteretur ; ipse triplici instructa acie usque ad castra hos- tium accessit. Turn demum necessari5 GermanI suas copias castris eduxerunt generatimque constituerunt paribus interval- lis, Hariides, Marcomann5s, Tribocos, Vangiones, Nemetes, Sedusios, Suebos, omnemque aciem suam raedls et carris cir-
lo cumdederunt, ne qua spes in fuga relinqueretur. Eo mulieres imposuerunt, quae ad proelium proficlscentis milites passis manibus flentes implorabant ne se in servitutem Romanis traderent.
LIL Caesar singulis legionibus singulos legatos et quaestorem
15 praef ecit, uti eos testis suae quisque virtutis haberet ; ipse a dextro cornu, quod eam partem minime firmam hostium esse animadverterat, proelium commlsit. Et ita nostri acriter in hostls signo dato impetum fecerunt, itaque hostes repente ce- leriterque procurrerunt ut spatium pila in hostis coniciendi non
aodaretur. Reiectis pTlis comminus gladiis pugnatum est. At GermanI celeriter ex consuetudine sua phalange facta impetus gladiorum exceperunt. RepertT sunt complures nostri qui in phalangem insilirent et scuta manibus revellerent et desuper vulnerarent. Cum hostium acies a sinistro cornu pulsa atque
25 in fugam coniecta esset, a dextro cornu vehementer multitudine suorum nostram aciem premebant. Id cum animadvertisset P. Crassus adulescens, qui equitatui praeerat, quod expedltior erat quam il qui inter aciem versabantur, tertiam aciem laborantibus nostrls subsidio misit.
30 LIII. Ita proelium restitiitum est, atque omnes hostes terga verterunt, nee prius fugere destiterunt quam ad flumen Rhenum milia passuum ex eo loco circiter quinque pervenerunt. Ibi perpauci aut viribus conflsl tranare contenderunt aut lintribus
I THE CAMPAIGN AGAINST ARIOVISTUS 89
inventis sibi salutem reppererunt. In his fuit Ariovistus, qui naviculam deligatam ad ripam nactus ea profugit ; reliquos omnis c5nsecuti equites nostri interfecerunt. Duae fuerunt Ariovisti uxores, una Sueba natione, quam dom5 secum diixerat, altera N5rica, regis Voccionis soror, quam in Gallia diixerat a s fratre missam ; utraque in ea fuga periit. Duae filiae ; harum altera occisa, altera capta est. C. Valerius Procillus, cum a ciistddibus in fuga trims catenis vinctus traheretur, in ipsum Caesarem hostis equitatu insequentem incidit. Quae quid em res Caesari non minorem quam ipsa victoria voluptatem attulit, 10 quod hominem honestissimum provinciae Galliae, suum fami- liarem et hospitem, ereptum ex manibus hostium sibi restitiitum videbat, neque eius calamitate de tanta voluptate et gratula- tione quicquam fortuna deminuerat. Is se praesente de se ter sortibus consultum dicebat, utrum Igni statim necaretur an in 15 aliud tempus reservaretur ; sortium beneficio se esse incolumem. Item M. Metius repertus et ad eum reductus est.
Caesar, after placing the army in winter quarters, departs for
Hither Gaul.
LIV. H5c proeli5 trans Rhenum nuntiato Suebi, qui ad ripas Rheni venerant, domum revertl coeperunt; quos Ubii, qui proximi Rhenum incolunt, perterritos senserunt ; insecutT 20 magnum ex iis numerum occiderunt. Caesar iina aestate duobus maximis bellis confectis maturius paulo quam tempus anni postulabat in hibema in Sequanos exercitum deduxit; hrbernis Labienum praeposuit ; ipse in citeri5rem Galliam ad conventiis agendos profectus est. 25
BOOK II
The War with ihe Belgae
The Belgae conspire.
I. Cum esset Caesar in citeri5re Gallia, ita uti supra demon- stravimus, crebri ad eum riimores adferebantur litterisque item Labieni certior fiebat omnis Belgas, quam tertiam esse Galliae partem dixeramus, contra populum Romanum coniiirare ob-
5 sidesque inter se dare. Coniurandl has esse causas : primum, quod vererentur ne omnI pacata Gallia ad eos exercitus noster adduceretur ; deinde, quod ab non nullis Gallis sollicitarentur, partim qui, ut Germanos diutius in Gallia versari noluerant, ita populi Romani exercitum hiemare atque inveterascere in Gallia
lomoleste ferebant, partim qui mobilitate et levitate animi novis imperils studebant ; ab non nuUis etiam quod in Gallia a poten- tioribus atque iis qui ad conducendos homines facultates habe- bant vulgo regna occupabantur, qui minus facile earn rem imperio nostr5 consequT poterant.
Caesar with his army hastens towards them. The Remi join him.
15 II. His nuntils litterisque commotus Caesar duas legiones in citeriore Gallia novas conscrlpsit, et inita aestate in ulteriorem Galliam qui deduceret, Q. Pedium legatum misit. Ipse, cum primum pabull copia esse inciperet, ad exercitum venit. Dat negotium Senonibus reliquisque Gallis qui finitimi BelgTs erant
20 uti ea quae apud eos gerantur cognoscant seque de his rebus
certiorem faciant. Hi constanter omne3 niintiaverunt manus
cogi, exercitum in iinum locum condiici. Tum vero dubitandum
non existimavit quin ad eos proficisceretur. Re frumentaria
provTsa castra movet diebusque circiter xv ad finis Belgarum
25 pervenit.
90
II THE WAR WITH THE BELGAE 91
III. E5 cum de improvTs5 celeriusque omnium opinione venisset, Rerai, qui proximi Galliae ex Belgis sunt, ad eum legat5s Iccium et Andebrogium, primos civitatis, miserunt, qui dicerent se suaque omnia in fidem atque potestatem populi Romani permittere ; neque se cum reliquls Belgis consensisse 5 neque contra populum Romanum coniurasse, paratosque esse et obsides dare et imperata facere et oppidis recipere et fru- mento ceterisque rebus iuvare ; reliquos omnis Belgas in armis esse, German5sque qui cis Rhenum incolant sese cum his con- iOnxisse ; tantumque esse e5rum omnium fur5rem ut ne Sues- 10 siones quidem, fratres consanguineosque suos, qui e5dem iure et isdem legibus utantur, unum imperium unumque magistratum cum ipsis habeant, deterrere potuerint quin cum his consentirent.
The strength of the Belgae.
IV. Cum ab iis quaereret quae civitates quantaeque in armis essent et quid in bell5 possent, sic reperiebat : * Plerosque Belgas 15 esse ortos a Germanis, Rhenumque antlquitus traductos propter loci fertilitatem ibi consedisse, Gallosque qui ea loca incolerent expulisse, solosque esse qui patrum nostrorum memoria omnI Gallia vexata Teuton5s Cimbr5sque intra suos finis ingredl pro- hibuerint ; qua ex re fieri uti earum rerum memoria magnam 20 sibi auct5ritatem magnosque splritus in re mllitarl sumerent.' De numero eorum omnia se habere explorata RemI dicebant, propterea quod propinquitatibus adflnitatibusque coniuncti quantam quisque multitiidinem in communl Belgarum concilio ad id bellum poUicitus sit cognoverint. Plurimum inter eos25 Bellovacos et virtiite et auctoritate et hominum numero valere ; hos posse conficere armata milia centum, poUicitos ex eo numero electa milia LX, totlusque belli imperium sibi postulare. Suessiones suos esse finitimos ; finis latissimos feracissimosque agr5s possidere. Apud eos fuisse regem nostra etiam memoria 30 Diviciacum, totius Galliae potentissimum, qui cum magnae partis harum regionum, tum etiam Britanniae imperium obti- nuerit ; nunc esse regem Galbam ; ad hunc propter iustitiani
92 THE GALLIC WAR II
prudentiamque siimmam tdtius belli oranium voluntate deferri. OpI)ida habere numero xii, pollicerT milia armata l; totidem Nervios, qui maxime feri inter ipsds habeantur longissimeque absint ; xv milia Atrebatis, Ambian5s x milia, Morinos xxv 5 milia, Menapios vii milia, Caletds x milia, Veliocassis et Viro- manduos totidem, Atuatucds xviiii milia; Condrusos, Ebu- rones, Caeroesos, Caemands, qui un5 nomine German! appellantur, arbitrari ail xl milia.
Caesar sends a force of Haedui to threaten the Belloyaci; he hlniMll
crosses the Axona.
V. Caesar Remds cohortatus liberaliterque oratidne pro- lo seciitus omnem senatum ad se convenire principumque Iiberos
obsides ad se addiici iussit. (^uae omnia ab his diligenter ad diem facta sunt. Ipse Diviciacum Haeduum magnopere co- hortatus docet quantopere rei piiblicae commiinisque salutis intersit maniis hostium distineri, ne cum tanta multitiidlne uno
15 tempore cdnfligendum sit. ' Id fieri posse, si suas copias Haedui in finis Bellovacdrum intrddiixerint et edrum agros populan coe- perint.' His datis mandatis eum a se dimittit. Postquam omnis Belgarum copias in unum locum coactas ad se venire vidit, neque iam longe abesse ab iis quds miserat exploratdribus
20 et ab Rcmis cognovit, fliimen xAxonam, quod est in extremis Remdrum finibus, exercitum tradiicere matOravit atqiie ibi castra posuit. Quae res et latus unum castrdrum ripls fluminis miiniebat et post eum quae erant tiita ab hostibus reddebat, et commeatiis ab RemTs rcli(|ulsque civitatibus ut sine perlculd ad
25 eum portarT possent efficicbat. In cd fliimine pons erat Ibi praesidium pdnit et in altera parte fluminis Q. TitOrium Sabinum legatum cum sex cohortibus relinciuit ; castra in altitudinem pedum duodecini valid fossaque duodeviginti pedum miiniiiiubet.
He relieves Bibrax, a town of the RemL
VI. Ab his castrls oppidum Remdrum nomine Bibrax aberat 30 milia passuum octd. Id ex itinere magnd impetH Belgae
THE WAR WITH THE EELGAE
93
oppugnare coeperunt. Aegre eo die sustentatum est. Gallorum eadem atque Belgarum oppug- natio est haec ; ubi cir- 5 cumiecia multitudine hominum totis moenibus undique in miirum lapides iaci coepti sunt miirusque defensor! bus nudatusro est, testudine facta suc- cedunt murumque sub- ruunt. Quod turn facile fiebat. Nam cuni tanta multitiido lapides ac tela 15 conicerent, in muro con- sistendi potestas erat niilll- Cum fin em oppugnandi nox fecisset, Icciiis Remus, summa nobilitate 20 et gratia inter suos, qui TESTUDo tmn oppido praeerat,
iinus ex iis qui legati de pace ad Caesarem veneranl, iiiin- tios ad eum mittit, nisi subsidium sibi submittatur, sese diCtius sustinere non posse. 25
VII. Eo de media nocte Caesar isdem duci- )us iisus qui nuntii ab Iccio venerant Numidas :t Cretes sagittarios et fundi tores Balearis subsi- ^ dio oppidanis mittit ; quorum adventii et Remis a spe defensionis studium propugnandi ac- 30 cessit et hostibus eadem de causa spes potiundi oppidi discessit. Itaquepaulisperapud oppidum morati agrosque Remorum depopulatl, omnibus vicis aedificilsque quo adire potuerant incensis, SAGITTARIUS acj casira Caesaris omnibus copiis co^\\.enAt'i^i■cA^'3
y
94 THE GALLIC WAR II
et a mllibus passuum minus duobus castra posuerunt; quae castra, ut fumo aUjue ignibus significabatur, amplius milibus passuum octo in latitudinem patebant.
Description of Caesar's camp on the Axona.
VIII. Caesar prlmo et propter multitudinem hostium et 5 propter eximiam opinionem virtutis proelio supersedere statuit;
cottidie tamen equestribus proeliTs quid hostis virtute posset et quid nostri audcrent periclitabatur. Ubi nostr5s non esse inferiores intellexit, loco ])ro castrls ad aciem mstruendam natura opportiino atque idoneo, — quod is coUis ubi castraposita
loerant paululum ex planitie editus tantum adversus in latitudi- nem patebat quantum loci acies instructa occupare poterat, atcjue ex utraque parte lateris deiectus habebat et in fronte leniter fastlgatus paulatim ad planitiem redibat, — ab utroque latere eius collis transversam fossam obduxit circiter passuum
IS quadringentorum, et ad extremis fossas castella constituit ibique tonnenta conlocavit, ne cum aciem instruxisset, hostes, qu6d tantum multitudine poterant, ab lateribus pugnantis suos cir- cumvenire possent. Hoc facto duabus legionibus quas proxime conscripserat in castrls relic tis, ut sT quo opus esset, subsidio
20 diicr possent, reliquas sex legiones pro castris in acie constituit. Hostes item suas copias ex castrls eductas Instriixerunt.
A battle, in which the Belgae are defeated with much loss.
IX. Paliis erat non magna inter nostrum atque hostium ex- ercitum. Hanc si nostri transirent hostes exspectabant ; nostri autem, si ab illis initium transeundl fieret, ut impedit5s adgre-
25 derentur parati in armis erant. Interim proelio equestri inter duas acies contendebatur. Ubi nentrl transeundl initium fa- ciunt, secundiore equitum proelio nostrls Caesar suos in castra reduxit. Hostes protinus ex eo loco ad flumen Axonam con- tenderunt, quod esse post nostra castra demonstratum est
3oIbi vadis repertis partem suarum copiarum traducere conati sunt eo consilio, ut, si possent, castellum cui praeerat Q. Titu-
II
THE WAR WITH THE.BELGAE
95
rius legatus expugnarent pontemque interscinderent ; si minus potuissent, agros Remorum popularentur, qui magno nobis usui ad bellum gerendum erant, commeatuque nostros prohiberent.
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THE BATTLE ON THE AXONA
X. Caesar certior factus ab Titurio omnem equitatum et levis armatiirae Numidas, funditores sagittariosque ponte tra- 5 ducit atque ad eos contendit. Acriter in eo loco pugnatum est. Hostis impedltos nostrl in flumine adgressi magnum eorum miraerum occlderunt ; per eorum corpora reliquos au- dacissime transire conantis multitudine telorum reppulerunt, primoscjue, qui transierant, equitatii circumventos interfecerunt. 10 Hostes ubi et de expugnando oppido et de flumine transeundo spam se fefellisse intellexerunt, neque nostros in locum ini- qui5rem progredl pugnandl causa viderunt, atque ipsos res friimentaria deficere coepit, concili5 convocato constituerunt optimum esse domum suam quemque reverti, et quorum in 15 finis primum Roman! exercitum introduxissent, ad eos de- fendend5s undique convenlrent, ut potius in suis quam in alienls fjnibus decertarent et domesticis c5pils rei frumentariae iite-
96 THE GALLIC WAR II
rentur. Ad earn sententiam cum reliquis causis haec quoque ratio e5s deduxit, quod Diviciacum atque Haedu5s finibus Bellovacorum appropinquare cogn5verant. His persuaderi ut diutius morarentur neque sufs auxilium ferrent non poterat.
5 XI. Ea re constitiita secunda vigilia magn5 cum strepitu ac tumultu castris egressi nullo certo ordine neque imperio, cum sibi quisque primum itineris locum peteret et domum pervenire properaret, fecerunt ut consimilis fugae profectio videretur. Hac re statim Caesar per speculatores cognita insidias veritus,
loquod qua de causa discederent nondum perspexerat, exercitum equitatumque castris continuit. Prima luce confirmata re ab exploratoribus omnem equitatum, qui novissimum agmen mo- raretur, praeralsit. His Q. Pedium et L. Aurunculeium Cottam legatos praefecit ; T. Labienum legatum cum legionibus tribus
issubsequi iussit. Hi novissim5s adorti et multa milia passuum prosecuti magnam multitudinem eorum fugientium conciderunt, cum ab extremo agmine, ad quos rentum erat, consisterent fortiterque impetum nostrorum militum sustinerent, priores, quod abesse a periculo viderentur neque ulla necessitate neque
20 imperio continerentur, exaudito clamore perturbatis ordinibus omnes in fuga sibi praesidium ponerent. Ita sine uUo periculo tantam eorum multitudinem nostri interfecerunt quantum fuit diei spatium ; sub occasum solis sequi destiterunt seque in castra, ut erat imperatum, receperunt.
Caesar receives the submission of the Suessiones, Bellovaci, and Ambiani.
25 XII. Postridie eius die! Caesar, priusquam se hostes ex ter- rore ac fuga reciperent, in finis Suessionum, qui proximi Remis erant, exercitum duxit et magno itinere ad oppidum Noviodii- num contendit. Id ex itinere oppugnare conatus, quod vacuum ab defensoribus esse audiebat, propter latitudinem fossae mii-
3orique altitudinem paucis defendentibus expugnare non potuit. Castris miinitls vineas agere quaeque ad oppugnandum iisui erant comparare coepit. Interim omnis ex fuga Suessionum multitudo in oppidum proxima nocte convenit. Celeriter vineis
II THE WAR WITH THE BELGAE 97
ad oppidum actis, aggere iacto, turribusque constitutis magni- tudine operam, quae neque videiant ante Galli neque audi- erant, et celeritate Romanorum permoti legatos ad Caesarem de deditione mittunt et petentibus Remis ut cSnservarentur impetrant. ;
XIII. Caesar obsidibus acceptis primls civitatis atque ipsius Galbae regis duobus filils annisque omnibus ex oppido tiaditis
in deditionem Suessiones acciptt exercitumque in Beilovacos ducJL Qui cum se suaque omnia in oppidum Bratuspantium contulissent, atque ab eo oppido Caesar cmn exercitij circiteno milia passuum qjinque abesset, omnes maiores nalu ex oppido egressi raaniis ad Caesarem tendere et voce slgnificare coepe- runt sese in eius fidein ac potestatem venire neque contra populum Romanum armls contendere. Item, cum ad oppidum accessisset castraque ibi ponerel, pueri mnlieresque ex inurojj passis manibus suo more pacem ab Romlnis petierunt.
XIV. Pro his Diviciacus (nam post discessum Belgartim dimissis Haeduorum copiis ad eum reverterat) facit verba: 'Bellovacos omni tempore in fide atque amicitia civitatis Hae- duae fuisse ; impulses ab suls principibus, qui dicerent HaeduosTO
98 THE GALLIC WAR II
a Caesare in servitutem redactos omnis indignitates contume- liasque perferre, et ab Haeduls defecisse et populo Romano bellum intulisse. Qui eius consili principes fuissent, quod intellegerent quantam calamitatem civitati intulissent, in Bri-
Stanniam profugisse. Petere non solum Bellovacos sed etiam pro his Haeduos ut sua dementia ac mansuetiidine in eos utatur. Quod si fecerit, Haeduorum auctoritatem apud omnis Belgas amplificatiirum, quorum auxiliis atque opibus, si qua bella inci- derint, sustentare consuerint.'
10 XV. Caesar honoris Diviciaci atque Haedu5rum causa sese eos in fidem recepturum et conservaturum dixit, et quod erat civitas magna inter Belgas auctoritate atque hominum multi- tudine praestabat, DC obsides poposcit. His traditis omni- busque armis ex oppido conlatis ab eo loco in finis Ambianonim
15 pervenit ; qui se suaque omnia sine mora dediderunt
The Nervii.
Eorum finis Nervii attingebant. Quorum de natiira mori- busque Caesar cum quaereret, sic reperiebat : * Niillum esse aditum ad eos mercatoribus ; nihil pati vini reliquarumque rerum ad liixuriam pertinentium inferrl, quod his rebus relan- 2oguescere animos et remitti virtutem existimarent ; esse homines ferds magnaeque virtutis ; increpitare atque inciisare reliquos Belgas, qui se populo Roman5 dedidissent patriamque virtutem proiecissent ; conflrmare sese neque legates missiiros neque ullam condicionem pacis accepturos.*
The Nervii plan an attack.
25 XVI. Cum per eorum ffnis triduum iter fecisset, inveniebat ex captlvis Sabim flumen a castrls suis non amplius milia pas- suum decern abesse ; trans id flumen omnis Nervios consedisse adventumque ibi Romanorum exspectare una cum Atrebatibus et Viromanduls, finitimis suls (nam his utrlsque persuaserant
30 uti eandem belli fortilnam expcrlrentur) ; exspectari etiam ab ils Atuatucorum copias atque esse in itinere ; mulieres quique
II THE WAR WITH THE BELGAE 99
pel* aetatem ad pugnam iniitiles viderentur in eum locum con- iecisse quo propter paKdes exercitul aditus non esset.
XVII. His relius cognitTs exploratores centurioiiesque prae- mittit, qui locum castris idoneum deligant. Cum ex dediliciis Belgis reliquisque Gallls complures Caesarem secijti una iter S facerent, quidam ex his, ut postea ex captivis coguitum est, , eonim dienim consuetudine iiineris iiostri exercitu.i perspecia
nocte ad Nervios pervenerunt atque 5iis demonstrarunt inter singulas legiones impedimentorum magnum numerura inter- cedere, neque esse quicquam negoti, cum prima legio in casira lo venisset reliquaeque legiones magnum spatium abessent, banc sub sarcinis adoriri ; qua pulsa impedimentlsque direptts fu- turum ut reliquae contra consistere non auderent. Adiiivabat etiam eorum consilium qui rem deferebant quod Nervii antl- quitus, cum equitatu nihil possent (neque enim ad hoc tempus 15 ei rel student, sed quicquid possunt pedestribus valent copiis), quo facilius finitimorum equitatnm, si praethindi causa ad eos venissent, impedlrent, teneris arboribus incisis atque indeiLls
TOO THE GALLIC WAR Hi
crebrisque in latitudinem ramis enatis et rubis sentibusive interiectis ef!ecerant ut instar murl hae saepes mummentura praeberent, quo non modo non intrari sed ne perspid quidem posset. His rebus cum iter agminis nostri impedir€tur, non 5 omittendum sibi consilium Nervii existimaverunt.
XVIIL Loci natura erat haec, quem locum nostri castrTs delegerant. Collis ab summ5 aequaliter declivis ad flumen Sabim, quod supra nominavimus, vergebat. Ab e5 flumine pari acclivitate collis nascebatur adversus huic et contrarius, lopaseils circiter ducentos infimus apertus, ab superiore parte silvestris, ut n5n facile introrsus perspid posset. Intra eas silvas hostes in occulto sese continebant; in aperto loco se- cundum flumen paucae stationes equitum videbantur. Fliiminis erat altitude pedum circiter trium.
The Romans are taken by surprise, but soon the value of experience
and discipline is shown.
15 XIX. Caesar equitatu praemisso subsequebatur omnibus copils ; sed ratio orddque agminis aliter se habebat ac Belgae ad Nervios detulerant. Nam quod hostibus appropinquabat, consuetudine sua Caesar sex legiones expeditas ducebat ; post eas totius exercitus impedimenta conlocarat ; inde duae legiones
20 quae proxime conscriptae erant totum agmen claudebant prae- sidioque impedimentis erant. Equites nostri cum funditoribus sagittarilsque flumen transgress! cum liostium equitatii proelium commTserunt. Cum se ill! identidem in silvas ad suos reciperent ac rursus ex silva in nostros impetum facerent, neque nostri
^slongius quam quem ad finem ])orrecta loca aperta pertinebant cedentTs insequT auderent, interim legiones sex quae priraae venerant opere dimenso castra raiinlre coeperunt. Ubi prima impedimenta nostri exercitiis ab iis qui in silvTs abditi latebant visa sunt, quod tempus inter eos committendl proeli convenerat,
30 ut intra silvas aciem ordinesque constituerant atque ipsi sese conflrmaverant, subito omnibus copils provolaverunt impe- tumque in nostros equites fecerunt. His facile pulsis ac pro-
II THE WAR WITH THE BELGAE lOl
turbitfs fncredibili celeritate ad flumen decucurrerunt, ut paene un5 tempore et ad silvas et in flumine et iam in manibus nostris hostes viderentur. Eadem autem celeritate adverse colle ad nostra castra atque eos qui in opere occupati erant contenderunt.
XX. Caesari omnia Ono tempore erant agenda : vexillum s proponendum (quod erat insigne cum ad arma concurri opor- teret), signum tuba dandum, ab opere revocandl milites, qui paulo longius aggeris petendl causa processerant arcessendl, acies instruenda, milites cohortandT, signum dandum. Quarum rerum magnam partem temporis brevitas et incursus hostium impedie- ic bat. His difficultatibus duae res erant subsidio, scientia atque usus militum, quod superioribus groeliis exercitati quid fieri oporteret non minus commode ipsi sibi praescribere quam ab alils docerl poterant, et quod ab opere singullsque legionibus singulos legates Caesar discedere nisi munltis castrls vetuerat. Hi prop- 15 ter propinquitatem et celeritatem hostium nihil iam Caesaris ira- perium exspectabant, sed per se quae videbantur administrabant.
XXI. Caesar necessarils rebus imperatis ad cohortandos milites, quam partem fors obtulit, decucurrit et ad legionem decimam devehit. Milites non longiore oratione cohortatus2o quam uti suae pristinae virtutis memoriam retinerent neu per- turbarentur animo hostiumque impetum fortiter sustinerent, quod non longius hostes aberant quam quo telum adigl posset, proeli committendi signum dedit. Atque in alteram partem item cohortandi causa profectus pugnantibus occurrit. Tem- 25 poris tanta fuit exiguitas hostiumque tarn paratus ad dimicandum animus ut non modo ad insignia accommodanda sed etiam ad galeas induendas scutlsque tegimenta detrahenda tempus de- fuerit. Quam' quisque ab opere in partem casii devenit quaeque ])rima signa conspexit, ad haec constitit, ne in quaerendis suls 30 pugnandi tempus dimitteret.
The battle rages fiercely with varying fortunes.
XXII. Tnstnicto exercitu magis ut loci natiira deiectusque collis et necessitas temporis quam ut re! militaris ratio atc\vie
THE-: GALLIC WAR
II
urdo postulahnt, cum diversae legiones a.liae alia in parte hosti- bus resisterent, saejjibuwiue dcnsissimis, ut ante tlemonstravimus, interiectis prospectus impediretur, neque certa subsidia conlo- cari ne(|ue quid in qtia'iiie parte opus esset provideri neque ab Stmo omnia impcria adminislniri polerant, Itaque In tanti r^rum iniqiiitate fortiinac quoijue eventiis varij sequebantur. XXIII. I^'giiinisnonacetdecimaemilites,ut in sinistra parte arie const iterant, pilis emissis cursil ac lassitiidine exanimatos
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(nam his ea pars obvSnerat) lien roinpnleriint, et transire Mti ]virteni eortim impeditani iini'ii nun dubitaverunt, et in s rosisicntis hostis redintegrato Tieni alia in parte diversae duae >r< idigat IS Virinnandufs, quibus- ftiipuriur^ in ipsis fluminis riina
II THE WAR WITH THE BELGAE 103
proeliabantur. At totis fere castris a fronte et a sinistra parte nudatis, cum in dextro cornu legio duodecima et non magno ab ea intervallo septima constitisset, omnes Nervii confertissim5 agmine duce Boduognato, qui summam imperi tenebat, ad eum locum contenderunt ; quorum pars ab aperto latere legi5nes 5 circumvenire, pars summum castrorum locum petere coepit.
XXIV. Eodem tempore equites nostrl levisque armaturae pedites, qui cum iis una fuerant, quos primo hostium impetu pulsos dixeram, cum se in castra reciperent, adversis hostibus occurrebant ac rursus aliam in partem fugam petebant ; et 10 calones, qui ab decumana porta ac summo iugo collis nostros victores fliimen transisse conspexerant, praedandi causa egressi, cum respexissent et hostis in nostris castris versari vidissent, praecipites fugae sese mandabant. Simul eorum qui cum im- pedimentis veniebant clamor fremitusque oriebatur, aliique aliam 15 in partem perterriti ferebantur. Quibus omnibus rebus per- moti equites Treveri, quorum inter Gallos virtutis opinio est singularis, qui auxili causa a civitate missi ad Caesarem vene- rant, cum multitudine hostium castra nostra corapleri, legiones premi et paene circumventas teneri, calones, equites, fundi- 20 t5res, Numidas dispers5s dissipatosque in omnis partis fugere vidissent, desperatis nostris rebus domum contenderunt ; Ro- manos pulsos superatosque, castris impedimentlsque eorum hostis potitos civitati renuntiaverunt.
Caesar himself fights in the ranks, while the result of the contest con- tinues doubtful.
XXV. Caesar ab decimae legionis cohortatione ad dextrum 25 cornu profectus, ubi suos urgeri signisque in unum locum con- latis duodecimae legionis confcrtos milites sibi ipsos ad pugnam esse impedimento vidit, — quartae cohortis omnibus centurio- nibus occisis, signifero interfecto, signo amisso, reliquarum co- hortium omnibus fere centurionibus aut vuhieratls aut occisis, 30 in his primipilo P. Sextio Baculo, fortissimo viro, multis gravi- busque vulneribus confecto, ut iam se sustinere non po?>?»^\.,
104 THE GALLIC WAR II
reliquos esse tardiores et non nullos ab novissimis deserto loco proelio excedere ac tela vitare, hostis neque a fronte ex in- feriore loco subeuntis intermittere et ab utr5que latere instare, et rem esse in angustd vidit, neque ullum esse subsidium quod
5 submitti posset, — scuto ab novissimis mililT detract©, quod ipse eo sine sciito venerat, in primam aciem processit, centurioni- busque nominatim appellatis reliqu5s cohortatus milites signa Tnferre et manipulos laxare iussit, quo facilius gladiis iiti pos- sent. Cuius adventil spe inlata militibus ac redintegrato anirao,
locum pro se quisque in conspectu imperatoris etiam in extremis suis rebus operam navare cuperet, paulum hostium impetus tardatus est.
XXVI. Caesar cum septimam legi5nem, quae iuxta con- stiterat, item urgeri ab hoste vidisset, tribunes mllitum monuit
15 ut paulatim sese legiones coniungerent et conversa signa in hostis inferrent. Quo facto cum aliis alii subsidium ferrent neque timerent ne aversi ab hoste circumvenirentur, audacius resistere ac fortius pugnare coeperunt. Interim milites legi- onum duarum quae in novissimo agmine praesidio impedl-
20 mentis fuerant proelio nuntiato cursu incitat5 in summo colle ab hostibus conspiciebantur ; et T. Labienus castrTs hostium potitus et ex loco sii peri ore quae res in nostrls castrTs gere- rentur conspicatus decimam legionem subsidio nostris misit. Qui cum ex equitum et calonum fuga quo in loco res esset
25quanto(iue in perlculo et castra et legiones et imperator ver- saretur cognovissent, nihil ad celeritatem sibi reliqui feCerunt.
At last the Nervii are utterly defeated and almost annihilated.
XXVII. Horum adventu tanta rerum commiitatio est facta ut nostri, etiam qui vulneribus confecti pr5cubuissent, scutis innlxf proelium redintegriirent, calones perterritos hostis con-
30 spicati etiam inermes armatls occurrerent, equites vero, ut tur- pitiidinem fugae virtute delerent, omnibus in locis pugnando se legionariis militibus praeferrent. At hostes etiam in ex- trcma spe salutis tantam virtutem praestiterunt ut, cum primi
II THE WAR WITH THE BELGAE 1 05
e5rum cecidissent, proximi iacentibus Insisterent atque ex eorum corporibus pugnarent ; his deiectis et coacervatis cada- veribus, qui superessent, ut ex tumulo, tela in nostros conicerent et pTla intercepta remitterent ; ut non nequiquarn tantae virtu- tis homines iudicari deberet ausos esse transire latissimum 5 flumen, ascendere altissimas ripas, subire iniquissimum locum ; quae facilia ex difficillimis animi magnitudo redegerat.
XXVIII. Hoc proeli5 facto et prope ad internecionem gente ac nomine Nerviorum redacto maiores natu, quos una cum pueris mulieribusque in aestuaria ac paludes coniectos 10 dixeramus, hac pugna nSntiata, cum victoribus nihil impeditum, victis nihil tutum arbitrarentur, omnium qui supererant c5n- sensu legates ad Caesarem miserunt seque ei dediderunt; et in commemoranda civitatis calami tate ex dc ad tris senatores, ex hominum milibus lx vix ad d qui arma ferre possent sese 15 redactos esse dlxerunt. Quos Caesar, ut in miseros ac sup- pliers usus misericordia videretur, dlligentissime conservavit suisque finibus atque oppidis uti iussit, et finitimls imperavit ut ab iniiiria et malefici5 se suosque prohiberent.
The Atnatnci assemble in one town; Caesar besieges it.
XXIX. Atuatuci, de quibus supra diximus, cum omnibus 20 copils auxilio Nerviis venirent, hac pugna niintiata ex itinere domum reverterunt ; cunctis oppidis castellisque desertis sua omnia in unum oppidum egregie natura munltum contulerunt. Quod cum ex omnibus in circuitu partibus altissimas riipls deiectusque haberet, una ex parte leniter acclivis aditus in 25 latitiidinem non amplius pedum cc relinquebatur ; quern lo- cum duplici altissimo muro miinierant, tum magnl ponderis saxa et praeacutas trabis in muro conlocabant. IpsI erant ex Cimbris Teutonlsque prognati, qui, cum iter in provinciam nostram atque Italiam facerent, ils impedimentis quae secum3o agere ac portare n5n poterant citra flumen Rhenum depositis custodiam ex suis ac praesidium sex milia hominum ilna rellquerant. Hi post eorum obitum multbs annos a finltiixvvsk
I06 THE GALLIC WAR II
exagitati, cum alias bellum Inferrent, alias inlatum defenderent, consensu eorum omnium pace facta hunc sibi domicilio locum delegerant.
XXX. Ac primo adventu exercitus nostri crebras ex oppido 5 excursiones faciebant parvulisque proeliis cum nostris conten- debant ; postea vall5 pedum xii in circuitii xv milium cre- brisque castellis circummuniti oppido sese continebant. Ubi vineis actis, aggere exstructo turrim procul constitui viderunt, primum inridere ex muro atque increpitare v5cibus quod tanta lo machinatio a tanto spatio institueretur : ' Quibusnam raanibus aut quibus viribus, praesertim homines tantulae staturae (nam plerumque omnibus Gallis prae magnitudine corporum suorum brevitas nostra contemptui est), tanti oneris turrim in muro sese posse conlocare conf iderent ? '
The Atuatuci surrender on favorable terms; bat attempting treachery,
they are afterwards sold as slaves.
15 XXXI. Ubi vero mover! et appropinquare murTs viderunt, nova atque inusitata specie commoti legates ad Caesarem de pace miserunt, qui ad hunc modum locuti : ' Non se existimare Romanos sine ope deoruni bellum gerere, qui tantae altitudinis machinationes tanta celeritate promovere possent ; se suaque
20 omnia eorum potestati permittere ' dixerunt. ' Unum petere ac deprccarf : sT forte pro sua dementia ac mansuetudine, quam ipsi ab alils audlrent, statuisset Atuatucos esse c5nservandos, ne se armis despoliaret. Sibi omnis fere finitimos esse ini- micos ac suae virtuti invidere; a quibus se defendere traditis
25 armls non possent. Sibi praestare, si in eum casum deduce- rentur, quamvTs fortiinam a populo Romano pat! quam ab his l)er cruciatum interfici, inter quos dominarl consuessent.'
XXXII. Ad haec Caesar respondit : 'Se magis consuetudine sua quam merito eorum civitatem conservaturum, si priusquam
30 miinim aries attigisset se dedidissent ; sed deditionis niillam esse condicionem nisi armis traditis. Se id quod in Nervils fecisset facturum finitimisque imperatiirum ne quam deditlciis
II
THE WAR WITH THE BELGAE
107
popull Romanl iniiiriam inferrent.' Re renuntiata ad suos quae impenirentur facere dixerunt. Armorura magna raullitudine de muro in fossam quae erat ante oppidum iacta, sic ut prope sum- mam miiri aggerisque altitudinem acervi armorum adaequarent, et tamen circiter parte tenia, ut posteaperspec turn est, celala 5 atque in oppido relenta, portis patefactiseo die pace sunt usi.
XXXIII Sub vesperum Caesar portas claudl mllitesque ex oppido exjre luss t ne quam noct 1 opp dam a milit bus inmnam acciperent Illi ante m to ut intellectum est cons 1 o quod dedidone facta nostros praesidia deducluros aut den que indih k Rentius servaluros cred derant partm cuqi iis quae ret nuerant et celaverant armis part m scut s eic cort ue factis aut vimmi bus mtextis quae sub to ut temi or s e\ g i tas postulabat, peili
CASTELLUM
bus induxerant, tertia vigilia, qua minime arduus ad nostras munltiones ascensus videbatur, omnibus copils repente ex is oppido eruptionem fecerunt. Cekriter, ut ante Caesar impe- raverat, ignibus significatione facta ex proximis castellis eo con- cursum est, pugnatumque ab hostibus ita acriter est ut a viris forttbus in extrema spe salfitis inlquo loco contra eos qui ex vallo turribusque tela iacerent pugnarl debuit, cum in iina vir- 20 lute omnis spes consisteret. Occisis ad hominum niTlibus quattuor reliqui in oppidum reiecti sunt. Postridie eius diei refractis portis, cum iam defenderet nemo, atque intromissis mtlitibus nostris sectionem eius oppidi universam Caesar ven- didit. Ab iis qui emerant capitum numerus ad eujn relatus est =5 milium ua.
I08 THK GALLIC WAR II
Meantime several maritime states have been sabjagated by Czmssns.
XXXIV. Eodem tempore a P. Crasso, quem cum legione iina miserat ad Venetos, Venellos, ()sism5s, Coriosolites, Esu- vios, Aulerccis, Redones, quae sunt raaritimae civitates Ocea- numque attingunt, certior factus est omnis eas civitates in
Sdicionem potestatemque populi Romania esse redactas.
The army goes into winter quarters; a thanksgiving.
XXXV. His rebus gestis omni Gallia pacata tanta huius belK atl barbaros opinio perlata est uti ab ils nationibus quae trans Rhenum incolerent legati ad Caesarem mitterentur, qui se ob- sides daturas, imperata facturas pollicerentur. Quas legation^
1) Caesar, quod in Italiam Illyricumque properabat, inita proximi aestate ad se revert! iussit. Ipse in Carnutes, Andls, Turonos, (juaeque civitates propinquae ils locis erant ubi bellum gesserat legionibus in hiberna deductis in Italiam profectus est. Ob easque res ex litteris Caesaris dierum xv supplicatio decreta
15 est, quod ante id tempus accidit nulli.
BOOK III
Trouble in the Alps
Galba is sent into the Alps to hold in check certain mountain tribes.
He occupies Octodurus.
I. Cum in Italiam proficlsceretur Caesar, Ser. Galbam cum legione duodecima et parte equitatus in Nantuatis, Veragros, Sedunosque misit, qui a finibus Allobrogum et lacu Lemanno et flumine Rhodano ad summas Alpis pertinent. Causa mit- tendi fuit quod iter per Alpis, quo magno cum perlculo mag- 5 nisque cum portoriis mercatores Ire consuerant, patefierl vole- bat. Huic permisit, si opus esse arbitraretur, uti in his locis legi5nem hiemandi causa conlocaret. Galba secundls aliquot proeliis factis castellisque compluribus eorum expugnatis, missis ad eum undique legatls obsidibusque datis et pace facta con- 10 stituit cohortis duas in Nantuatibus conlocare et ipse cum reli- quis eius legi5nis cohortibus in vico Veragrorum, qui appellatur Octodurus, hieniare ; qui vicus positus in valle non magna adiecta planitie altissimis montibus undique continetur. Cum hie in duas partis fliimine divideretur, alteram partem eius vici 15 Gallis concessit, alteram vacuam ab his relictam cohortibus attribuit. Eum locum vallo fossaque munlvit.
The mountaineers threaten him.
II. Cum dies hibernorum complures transissent frumentum- que eo comportari iussisset, subito per exploratores certior factus est ex ea parte vicI quam Gallis concesserat omnis noctu 20 discessisse, montisque qui impenderent a maxima multitudine Sedundrum et Veragrorum tenerl. Id aliquot de causis acci- derat, ut subit5 Galli belli renovandl legionisque opprimendae consilium caperent : primum, quod legionem, neciue eam ple- nissimam detractis cohortibus duabus et compHiWiU's* otv^J^- "^-^
109
no THE GALLIC WAR III
%
tim, qui com meatus petendl causa missi erant, absentibus, propter paucitatem despiciebant ; tum etiam, quod propter inlquitatem loci, cum ipsi ex montibus in vallem decurrerent et tela conicerent, ne primum quidem impetum suum posse sus- 5 tineri existimabant. Accedebat quod suos ab se liberos abs- tractos obsidura nomine dolebant, et Romanos non solum itinerum causa sed etiam perpetuae possessionis culmina Alpium occupare conari et ea loca finitimae p'rovinciae adiungere sibi persuasum habebant.
lo in. His nuntils acceptis Galba, cum neque opus hibemorum munitionesque plene essent perfectae neque de friimento re- liquoque commeatii satis esset provisum, quod deditidne facta obsidibusque acceptis nihil de bello timendum existimaverat, consilio celeriter convocato sententias exquirere coepit. Quo
IS in consilio, cum tantum repentini periculi praeter opinioneni accidisset, ac iam omnia fere superiora loca multitiidine annS-
- torum completa conspicerentur, neque subsidio venirT neque commeatiis supportarl interclusis itineribus possent, prope iam desperata salute non nullae eius modi sententiae dicebantur, ut
ao impedlmentis relictis eruptione facta Isdem itineribus quibus eo pervenissent ad saliitem contenderent. Maiori tamen parti placuit hoc reservato ad extremum casum consilio interim rei eventum experiri et castra defendere.
He repulses them, but thinks it best to return to the province.
IV. Brevi spatio interiecto, vix ut ils rebus quas c5nstituissent 25 conlocandis atcjue administrandis tempus daretur, hostes ex omnibus partihus signo dato dccurrere, lapides gaesaque in vallum conicere. Nostri primo integrls viribus fortiter pro- pugnare neque ullum friistra tclum ex loco superiore mittere, et quaecumque ])ars castrornm nudata defensoribus premi videba- 3otur, ed occurrere et auxiliiim ferre ; sed h5c superari, quod diuturnitate pugnae hostes dcfossi proelio excedebant, alii in- tegrls viribus succedebant, — quarum rcMum a nostras propter paucitatcui fieri nihil poterat, ac non modo defesso ex pugna
Ill
TROUBLE IN THE ALPS
excedendl, sed ne saucJo quidem eius loci ubi constiterat relin- quendl ac sui recipiendi facultas dabatur.
V. Cum iara amplius horis sex contiiienter pugnaretiir ac non solum vires sed etiam tela nostros deficerent, atque hostes acrius mstarent languidioribusque noslris vallum scindere et c fossas complete coepissent, resque esset iam ad extremum
perducta casum, P. Sextius Baculus, primi pill centurio, quem Nervico proelio coinpluribus confectum vulneribus diximus, et item C.Volusenus, tribunus milituin, vir et consiii magni et virtutts, ad Galbam accurrunt atque unam esse spem salutis docent, si lo eniptione facta extremum auxilium experirentur. Itaque con- vocatis centurion ibus celeriter milites certiorcs facit paulisper intermitterent proelium ac tantummodo tela missa exciperent seque ex labore reficerent, post dato signS ex castrls erumpe- rent atque omnem spem salutis in virtiite ponerent. 15
VI, Quod iussi sunt faciunt, ac stibito omnibus portis erup- tione facta neque cognoscendi quid ficrei neqiie suT conligendi hostibus facultatem relinquunt. Its commritata fortiinS efis qui in spem potJundorum castrorum venerant undi(|ue circiiraventos interficiunt, et ex hominum mllibus amplius xxx, quem mime- 20 rum barbarorum ad castra vcnisse coustabat, plus tertia. ^3.\1(:
112 THE GALLIC WAR III
interfecta reliquos perterritos in fugam coniciunt ac ne in locis quidem superioribus consistere patiuntur. Sic omnibus hos- tium copils fusis armisque exutis se intra munitiones suas recipi- unt. Qu5 proelio fact5, quod saepius fortunam temptare
5 Galba nolebat, atque alio se in hiberna consilio venisse memine- rat, alils occurrisse rebus viderat, maxime fruraentl commeatiis- que inopia permotus postero die omnibus eius vici aedificiis incensis in provinciam reverti contendit, ac niillo hoste pro- hibente aut iter demorante incolumem legionem in Nantuatis,
lo inde in Allobroges perduxit ibique hiemavit.
• The Campaign against the Veneti and Other Maritime
Tribes
Roman officers, sent among the tribes of the coast after grain, are detained.
Vn. His rebus gestis, cum omnibus de causis Caesar paca- tam Galliam exlstimaret superatis BelgTs, expulsis Germanis, victis in Alpibus SediinTs, atque ita inita hieme in Tllyri- cum profectus esset, quod eas quoque nationes adire et
isregiones cognoscere volebat, subitum bellum in Gallia coortum est. Eius belli haec fuit causa. P. Crassus adulescens cum legione septima proximus mare Oceanum in Andibus hiemabat. Is, quod in his locis inopia frumenti erat, praefectos tribunosque militum compliiris in finitimas
20 civitates friimenti causa dimisit ; quo in numero est T. Terrasidius missus in Esuvios, M. Trebius Gallus in Coriosolites, Q. Vela- nius cum T. Silio in Venetos.
VIII. Hiiius est civitatis longe amplissima auctoritas omnis orae maritimae regionum earum, quod et navis habent Veneti
25 pliirimas, quibus in Britanniam navigare consuerunt, et scientia atque iisu rerum nauticarum ceteros antecedunt, et in magno impetii maris vasti atque aperti paucis portibus interiectis, quos tenent ipsi, omnis fere qui eo mari iiti consuerunt habent vectT- galis. Ab his fit initium retinendi Sili atque Velani, quod per
3oeos suos se obsides quos Crasso dedissent recuperaturos existi-
Ill THE CAMPAIGN AGAINST THE VENETI 1 13
mabant. Horum auctoritate finitimi adducti (ut sunt Gallorum subita et repentlna consilia) eadem de causa Trebium Terrasi- diumque retinent, et celeriter missis legatis per suos principes inter se coniiirant nihil nisi commiini consilio actiiros eundem- que omnis fortunae exitum esse laturos, reliquasque civitates 5 soUicitant ut in ea libertate quam a maioribus acceperint per- manere quam Romanorum servitutem perferre malint. Omni ora raaritima celeriter ad suam sententiam perducta commu- nem legationem ad P. Crassum mittunt : 'Si velit suos recupe- rare, obsides sibi remittat.* 10
Preparations for war.
IX. Quibus de rebus Caesar a Crasso certior factus, quod ipse aberat longius, navis interim longas aedificari in flumine Ligeri, quod influit in Oceanum, remiges ex provincia instituT, nautas gubernatoresque comparari iubet. His rebus celeriter administratis ipse, cum primum per anni tempus potuit, ad 15 exercitum contendit. Veneti reliquaeque item civitates cognito Caesaris adventu, simul quod quantum in se facinus admisissent intellegebant, — legatos, quod nomen ad omnis nationes sanctum inviolatumque semper fuisset, retentos ab se et in vincula coniect5s, — pro magnitudine pericull bellum parare et maxime 20 ea quae ad iisum navium pertinent providere Instituunt, hoc maiore spe, quod multum natura loci confldebant. Pedestria esse itinera concisa aestuarils, navigationem impeditam propter Tnscientiam locorum paucitatemque portuum sciebant, neque nostros exercitiis propter frumenti inopiam diutius apud 8625 morari posse confldebant ; ac iam ut omnia contra opinionem acciderent, tamen se plurimum navibus posse, Romanos ne- que iillam facultatem habere navium neque eorum locorum ubi bellum gestiiri essent vada, portus, Insulas novisse, ac longe aliam esse navigationem in concJilso marl atque in vastissimoso atque apertissimo Dceano perspiciebant. His initis consiliis oppida muniunt, frumenta ex agrls in oppida comportant, navis in Venetiara, ubi Caesarem primum bellum ^e^kl^iivwc^. I
114 THE GALLIC WAR III
constabat, quam pliirimas possunt cogunt. Socios sibi ad id bellum Osismos, Lexovios, Namnetes, Ambiliatos, Morinos, Diablintes, Menapios asciscuntj auxilia ex Britannia^ quae contra eas regiones posita est, arcessunt.
5 X. Erant hae difficultates belli gerendi quas supra ostendi- mus, sed tamen niulta Caesarem ad id bellum incitabant, — iniiiria retentorum equitum Romanorum, rebellio facta post deditionem, clefectio datis obsidibus, tot cTvitatum coniuratio, in primls ne hac parte neglecta reliquae nati5nes sibi idem licere
loarbitrarentur. Itaque cum intellegeret oranis fere Gallos novis rebus studere et ad bellum mobiliter celeriterque excitarl, omnis autem homines natura libertati studere et condicionem servitiitis odisse, priusquam pliires cTvitates con- spiriirent, partiendum sibi ac latius distribuendum exercitum
15 pulavit.
XL Itaque T. Labienum legatum in Trever5s, qui proximi fluminl Rlicnd sunt, cum e(iuitatii mittit. Huic mandat Rem5s reli(inus<iut* IWlgas adeat atiiue in officio contineat, Germanos- (jue, ([u\ auxilib a Gallis arcessitl dicebantur, si per vim navibus
20 flnmcn translrc conentur, ])r()hibeat. P. Crassum cum cohorti- bus lcgi()narils xii et magno numero equitatus in Aqultaniam profiPisci iubct, no ex his nationibus auxilia in Galliam mittan- tur ae. tantac niitioncs coniungantur. Q. Titurium Sabinum Icgatnm cum legidnibus tribus in^ Venellos, Coriosolites,
25 Lcxoviosc^ue mittit, qui earn manum distinendam curet. 1). Hriitum adulescentem classi Gallicisque navibus, quas ex rictoni])us et Santonis rcliqulsque pacatis regionibus con- venire iusserat, i)raeficit et cum primum possit in Venetos proficisci iubet. Ipse eo pcdestribus cdpiis contendit.
The towns and ships of the Veneti.
30 XIL Krant eiiis modi fere sitiis ()pj)idorum ut posita in ex- tremis lingulis prdmunturilscpic neque pedibus aditum haberent cum ex alto se aestus incitavissct, quod accidit semper borarum XII spatid, neque navibus, ([uod riirsus minuente aestu naves
Ill THE CAMPAIGN AGAINST THE VENETI 1 15
in vadis adfllctarentur. Ita utraque re oppidorum oppugnati5 impediebatur. Ac si quando magnitudine opens forte superatl, extruso marl aggere ac molibus atque his oppidT moenibus adaequatis, desperare fortunis suis coeperant, magno numero navium appulso, cuius rei summam facultatem habebant, sua 5 deportabant omnia seque in proxima oppida recipiebant ; ibi se rursus isdem opportunitatibus loci defendebant. Haec eo facilius magnam partem aestatis faciebant, quod nostrae naves tempestatibus detinebantur, summaque erat vasto atque aperto man, magnis aestibus, raris ac prope nullis portibus difficultas 10 navigandi.
XIII. Namque ipsorum naves ad hunc modum factae arma- taeque erant : carinae aliquanto planiores quam nostrarum navium, quo facilius vada ac decessum aestus excipere possent ; prorae admodum erectae atque. item puppes, ad magnitudinem 15 fluctuum tempestatumque accommodatae ; naves totae factae ex robore ad quamvis vim et contumeliam perferendam ; transtra ex pedalibus in altitudinem trabibus, confixa clavis ferrels digiti pollicis crassitudine ; ancorae pro funibus ferreis catenis revinctae ; pelles pro velis alutaeque tenuiter confectae, 20 sive propter inopiam lini atque eius usus inscientiam sive eo, quod est magis veri simile, quod tantas tempestates Oceani tantosque impetus ventorum sustinerl ac tanta onera navium regi velis non satis commode posse arbitrabantur. Cum his navibus nostrae class! eius modi congressus erat ut una ce- 25 leritate et pulsii rem5rum praestaret, reliqua pro loci natura, pr5 vi tempestatum illis essent aptiora et accoiumodatiora. Neque enim iis nostrae rostro nocere poterant, tanta in iis erat firmitudo, neque propter altitudinem facile telum adigebatur, et eadem de causa minus commode copulis con- 30 tinebantur. Accedebat ut, cum saevire ventus .. coepisset et ^ se vent5 dedissent, et tempestatem ferrent facilius et in vadis consisterent tiitius, et ab aestu relictae nihil saxa et cautis timerent; quarum rerum omnium nostris navibus casus erat extimescendus. -j^e^
Ii6 THE GALLIC WAR III
The Romans are victorious in a naval battle.
XIV. Compluribus expugnatis oppidis Caesar, ubi intellexit friistra tantum laborem sumi neque hostium fugam captis oppi- dis reprimi neque iis noceri posse, statuit exspectandam classem. Quae ubi convenit ac primum ab hostibus visa est,
scirciter ccxx naves eorum paratissimae atque omni genere armorum ornatissimae profectae ex portu nostris adversae constiterunt ; neque satis Bruto, qui class! praeerat, vel tribunls militum centurionibusque, quibus singulae naves erant attribii- tae, constabat quid agerent aut quam rationem pugnae insis-
lo terent. Rostro enim noceri non posse cognoverant ; turribus autem excilatis, tamen has altitudo puppium ex barbaris navibus superabat, ut neque ex inferi5re loco satis commode tela adigi possent et missa a Gallis gravius acciderent. Una erat magno usul res praeparata a nostris, falces praeaciitae insertae adfixae-
IS que longurils, non absimili forma muralium falcium. His cum funes qui antemnas ad malos destinabant comprehensi adducti- que erant, navigio remis incitato praerumpebantur. Quibus abscisTs antemiiae necessario concidebant, ut, cum omnis Gal- licis navibus spes in veils armamentisque consisteret, his ereptis
20 omnis iisus navium lino tempore eriperetur. Reliquum erat certamen positum in virtute, qua nostri mllites facile supera- bant, atque eo magis quod in conspectii Caesaris atque omnis exercitus res gerebatur, ut nullum paulo fortius factum latere posset ; omnes enim colles ac loca superiora unde erat propin-
25 quus despectus in mare ab exercitu tenebantur.
XV. Deiectis, ut diximus, antemnis, cum singulas binae ac ternae naves circumsteterant, mllites summa vi transcendere in hostium navis contendebant. Quod postquam barbari fieri animadvertOrunt, expugnatis compluribus navibus, cum ei rei
30 nullum repenretur auxilium, fuga saliitem petere contenderunt. Ac iam conversis in eam partem navibus quo ventus ferebat tanta subito malacia ac tranquillitas exstitit ut se ex loco movere non possent. Quae quidem res ad negotium conficien- dum maxime fuit opportuna ; nam singulas nostri consectati
Ill THE CAMPAIGN AGAINST THE VENETI 1 17
expugnaverunt, ut perpaucae ex omni numero noctis interventu ad terram pervenirent, cum ab h5ra Fere quarta usque ad solis occasum pugnaretur.
The survivors surrender, and Caesar punishes them.
XVI. Quo proelio bellum Venetorum totiusque orae mariti- mae confectum est. Nam cum omnis iuventus, omnes etiam y> gravioris aetatis in quibus aliquid consill aut dignitatis fuit e5 convenerant, turn navium quod ublque fuerat in unum locum coegerant; quibus amissis reliqui neque quo se reciperent neque quem ad modum oppida defenderent habebant. Itaque se suaque omnia Caesari dediderunt. In quos eo gravius 10 Caesar vindicandum statuit, quo diligentius in reliquum tem- pus a barbarls iiis legatorum conservaretur. Itaque omni senatu necato reliquos sub corona vendidit.
Sabinus defeats the Venelli and their allies.
XVII. Dum haec in Venetis geruntur, Q. Titurius Sabinus cum iis copiis quas a Caesare acceperat in finis Venellorum 15 pervenit. His praeerat Viridovix ac summam imperi tenebat earum omnium civitatum quae defecerant, ex quibus exercitum magnasque copias coegerat; atque his paucis diebus Aulerci Eburovlces Lexoviique senatii suo interfecto, quod auctores belli esse nolebant, portas clauserunt seque cum Viridovice2o coniiinxerunt ; magnaque praeterea multitudo undicjue ex Gallia perdit5rum Jiominum latr5numque convenerat, et quos spes praedandl studiumque bellandi ab agri cultiara et cottidiano labore sevocabat. Sabinus id5neo omnibus rebus loco castris sese tenebat, cum Viridovix contra eum duorum milium spatio 25 consedisset cottidieque productis copiis pugnandi potestatem faceret, ut iam non s5lum hostibus in contemptionem Sabinus veniret sed etiam nostrorum militum vocibus non nihil car- peretur ; tantamque opinionem timoris praebuit ut iam ad vallum castrorum hostes accedere auderent. Id ea de causa 30 faciebat, quod cum tanta multitudine hostium, praesertuw ^^
Il8 THE GALLIC WAR III
absente qui sum mam imperi teneret, nisi aequo loco aut oppor- tiinitate aliqua data legatd dimicandum non existimabat.
XVIIL Hac conflrmata opinidne timoris idoneum quendam hominem et callidum delegit, Galium, ex ils quos auxill causa
5 secum habebat. Huic magnis praemiis poUicitationibusque per- suadet iiti ad hostis transeat, et quid fieri velit edocet. Qui ubi pr5 perfuga ad eos venit, timorem R5man5rum proponit, qui- bus angustiis ipse Caesar a VenetTs prematur docet, neque longius abesse quin proxima nocte Sabinus clam ex castris
lo exercitum educat et ad Caesarem auxili ferendi causa proficls- catur. Quod ubi auditum est, conclamant omnes occasionem negoti bene gerendi amittendam non esse ; ad castra iri opor- tere. Multae res ad hoc consilium Gallos hortabantur, — su- periorum dierum Sabini cunctatio, perfugae conflrmatio, inopia
15 cibariorum, cui rel parum diligenter ab iis erat pr5visum, spes Venetici belli, et quod fere libenter homines id quod volunt credunt. His rebus adducti non prius Viridovicem reliquosque duces ex concilio dimittunt quam ab iis sit concessum anna ufi capiant et ad castra contendant. Qua re concessa laeti ut
20 explorata victdria sarmentis virgultisque conlectis, quibus fossas Ronianorum compleant, ad castra pergunt.
XIX. Locus erat castrorum editus et paulatim ab imo acclivis circiter passus miUe. Hiic magn5 cursii contenderunt, ut quam minimum spat! ad se conligendos armandosque Romanis daretur,
25 exanimatique pervenerunt. Sabinus su5s hortatus cupientibus sfgnum dat. ImpeditTs hostibus propter ea quae ferebant onera subito duabus portis eruptionem fieri iubet. Factum est oppor- tunitate loci, hostium Inscientia ac defatlgati5ne, virtute militum et superiorum pugnarum exercitatione ut ne primum quidem
3onostrorum impetum ferrent ac statim terga verterent. Quos integris viribus milites nostri consecuti magnum numerum eorum occiderunt; reliquos equites consectati paucos, qui ex fiiga